An Open Letter on Building Safer Movement Spaces

We are writing this piece with the goal of cultivating transparency in our spaces as well as building towards the normalization of accountability, transformative justice, and security culture among our peers. Gatekeeping our comrades, our spaces, and our movements is good, actually – if it means keeping ourselves protected from abusers, grifters, and other forms of harm and co-optation. This piece was compiled and written by several collectives and individuals across the so-called Inland Empire.

In recent years, more and more comrades have been standing up against the inter-generational problems of abuse and harm within movement spaces. The visibility of such positions against patriarchal harm and intra-community violence are not new, as they have plagued social movements around the world for decades. Black queer and trans feminists have spoken up about these issues for decades now. However, these recent hot-button discussions raise the ultimate question: What do we “owe” each other as comrades? We believe that answer is reciprocity and mutual accountability to each other – and ourselves – as people in a shared, collective struggle. As comrades, we must always be receptive to feedback and constructive criticism; otherwise, we endlessly reproduce cycles of harm and violence in the same spaces that purport to cultivate liberation. This cannot be emphasized enough: the outcome of our struggles is dependent on the strength of our interpersonal dynamics and our commitment to challenging oppression at every turn. Shitty relationships will only ever (re)create shitty politics. It’s time to take seriously incidents of harm and abuse not only because our movements crucially depend on this, but because all we have is each other. We owe it to each other to be responsive in the face of harm. Rather than ignoring community incidents of harm and conflict, we want to learn from them in order to prevent burn-out and violence in our spaces. By revealing repeated behaviors and patterns across various incidents, we hope that folks will feel more able to challenge them. We will discuss recent incidents within our IE context.

Recently, some allegations against organizers Josh and Jaydee were brought to light and have sparked a lot of conversation. They were called out for stealing donations meant for “mutual aid” projects they were in charge of and using the funds to purchase things for themselves, including an apartment in Orange County. The call out also mentioned that Josh was abusive towards an ex-wife and called ICE on her. This is the list of demands created by community members who drafted the call out statement:

After the call out and demands were posted and Josh and Jaydee had seen them, the community was met with…

1. A short statement from Josh on his Instagram story (which disappeared after 24 hours and did not acknowledge specific accusations OR the demands made) and then, radio silence. This is a screenshot of Josh’s Instagram apology in response to the call out:

Not pictured is the brief statement saying that “accountability will be coming soon,” which Josh posted to his Instagram grid and later deleted entirely. No remnants of the call out or his response to it can be found on his social media, although he has resumed posting as usual.

2. A dizzying flurry of videos of Jaydee crying – literally – about personal traumas (we will not post those videos), and overall deflection of both the accusations made in the call out as well as the list of demands.

Not included in that call out are BOTH Josh and Jaydee’s white saviorism, tendency to center themselves, disregard for security culture, and general use of “activism” for clout. In fact, they have previously been called in by their peers and asked to step down from organizing due to the harm they’ve caused in these spaces. These conversations happened behind closed doors and were spread among affinity groups before the “call out.”

Multiple people have observed Josh and Jaydee posit themselves as white saviors. In fact, Jaydee’s poetry has been called to question by Black and brown organizers several times for having savior themes and she has been accused of acting like a savior in general. In fact, Jaydee inserted herself into a closed situation when members of a harm reduction group in the area created a fundraiser to help some friends that were close to the group. She contacted the group via social media asking if it was okay for her to fundraise for the situation on her own, despite her not personally knowing the folks that the fundraiser was for and barely knowing members of the group itself. After being told that it was sensitive and that they did not want people outside of it to repost, Jaydee created her own post anyway with her own commentary about the situation – which she had no knowledge about – and even included details that were incorrect. Any funds for that were never seen by the group that originally organized the fundraiser.

 

Jaydee herself has said on her personal Instagram account and to other organizers that she can’t step down from organizing because it helps her “heal others and heal herself.” In one of her many recent crying videos, she assigns herself the title of “healer” because she works with herbs, as if this must mean she’s incapable of causing harm to the people around her. In these “apology” videos, she gave examples of her organizing experience as if to prove that being an organizer means she can’t cause harm. If this were the case, then no one who’s ever done anything good can ever do anything bad, which is obviously untrue despite how often abuse sympathizers and the like use this rhetoric.

If the community you are trying so hard to “heal” is explicitly telling you that they don’t need your help and that you are actually causing more harm than good, why are you here? Jaydee has made it clear that organizing is a personal venture instead of one that prioritizes true solidarity with community members. In her videos, she made vague statements about “doing the work” to heal and hold herself accountable, but never once specified actual steps she was taking to stop harming the community, except for a mention of “shadow work,” as if personal spirituality will absolve her of the harm she caused.

Josh in particular tends to appoint himself as leader and then cause harm that he never takes accountability for. When he initially began working with Riverside Food Not Bombs over a year ago, he made social media accounts for the organization without asking for consent from the rest of the group, then essentially forced a church that he was connected to to be their distribution site, again pushing himself into a position of power. He also discussed possible illegal actions in the organization’s group chat without consent and was angered when asked not to, for the sake of security. It is interesting that he claims to be a seasoned anarchist organizer with such disregard for security culture and horizontal organization. That he jumps at any role involving power over others is not surprising now that it’s public news that he has been abusive in at least one intimate relationship. Even if we were apologists – which we aren’t – nobody can argue with the fact that Josh called ICE on a previous partner and later threatened to call ICE on her again, showing that this was not a one-time incident that he learned from.

Taking a page from the classic Abuse 101 Manual, he accused people of “canceling him” and cried about it to anyone who would hear him, as if public outcry in response to his own actions is anyone’s fault but his. He seemingly fell off the face of the earth for a week or so after he was called out, then deleted the only post he made in response to his call out and resumed business as usual. He posted something about being neurodivergent to his grid, again without ever publicly responding to the call out, seemingly to deflect from the real issue at hand which is the harm he’s caused his ex-wife and his community.

In addition to harm/abuse playbook tactics demonstrated by the two people above, there is another individual in the IE who reveals other common patterns and tactics used by people who try to dodge accountability for their actions. He was previously called in and then publicly called out for being misogynistic towards femme organizers and for being a security threat to himself and others, to no avail of course. He refused to take accountability for his actions or engage in a transformative process with any of the people he harmed or had conflict with last year, yet boldly lies about others, every situation he was involved in, and then victimizes himself.

This statement has the same effect as the state’s counter-insurgency efforts, regardless of his intention: foolishly calling for others to embrace passivity and act recklessly about state repression is literally accomplishing the same objective that the police attempt to achieve. As the article “Why Misogynists Make Great Informants” argues, aggressive patriarchs do not necessarily have to be state agents in order to destabilize movements in the same way that informants do; this person fits that profile pretty well. “Self-determination” by not doing anything to actively abolish the system and by pretending that the police don’t exist, he insists. To this day, we do not know of any individuals or groups “commanding” others into militancy within the IE. For those who lack nuance, militancy is a tactic that folks pick up out of their own accord and on their own terms; it is not imposed or pressured unto others. In fact, militancy without accountability and consensus is a liability. Militancy is also not an end in itself nor is it meant to establish hierarchies of who is “not down” and who is “more revolutionary”: it is merely a tool among many others that movements have. It could also help to clarify that “security culture” should only be understood as a dynamic set of habits that are context dependent and meant to keep us all safe by minimizing effort and paranoia, not some eternal laws or principles that have to be enforced. With all of this said, we can see how this individual intentionally deflects from their actions and misrepresents situations in order to control the narrative and play victim: classic manipulator and Abuser 101 playbook tactics that we should all recognize and stomp out.

It’s also interesting to see such admonition of militancy when just last year, this same person created a GoFundMe (the link which is no longer up) to supposedly fund military grade ballistic vests, shields, and other protective gear for IE protestors. Is that not militancy, or is it only wrongfully militant when anyone but him does it? More importantly, did the community ever see any of that money? Of course not. With the funds, he purchased a generator meant for “community use” that he very conveniently safeguards for himself. He spent last year defending Jaydee against accusations that she and Josh were suspicious and untrustworthy. Posting his full name and face to his social media as well as videos of his protest gear is the exact opposite of security culture, and what did that get him? A house visit from the feds. He removed his name and face from social media and changed his phone number in response, and yet he says that we should abandon security culture. Anonymity would have protected him from state repression had he proactively engaged with it. How can anyone be an ally to folks on the ground and still make a sweeping statement for organizers to abandon security culture?

The inaccurate suggestion that pigs are just idiots who eat donuts when they are agents of the state who literally carry out strategic, organized, state-sanctioned violence is just copaganda. This person only continues to share more false information and talks out of his ass most of the time; his attempts at detraction and belittlement of real possibilities of state repression reveal that this person does not actually stand for anything or have any actual commitment to long-term struggle. This is yet another example of “radical” liberals posing as militants when they’re nothing more than clout-chasers co-opting radical language and using “revolution” as an aesthetic. Causing harm to multiple people in organizing spaces, just to refuse efforts towards a transformative justice process, to then act high and mighty on social media while giving dangerous advice is proof of people who are simply not interested in their own accountability and continue to be harmful.

 

If the goal is to engage a transformative accountability process with any of these people, the first and most vital step is already missing: acceptance of the harm committed and self-accountability. As of today (July 2, 2021), none of the demands from Josh and Jaydee’s call out statement have been met. Not even a permanent post acknowledging the call out has been added to their personal or organizations’ social media accounts. As per usual, the deflection and silence show how often harm is dismissed, avoided, ignored, and forgotten. An apology without changed behavior means nothing, just as time passing is never acceptable reparation.

There is much literature on what transformative justice can look like and how accountability processes work, but in case this needs to be explicitly stated: People who cause harm need to rectify that harm by obliging to the demands created by victims – in this case, community members intervening to prevent further harm. Period. There is no “But I didn’t feel I was causing harm,” because what matters is that harm was caused anyway. There is no “I’ll publicly apologize but secretly keep doing the same thing.” There is no “I’ll cry on camera to center my feelings instead of the harm I caused.”

As per usual, this behavior is a consequence of co-optation. In this case, it shows the result of people learning the language of radicalism and transformative justice to then weaponize it and victimize themselves when they are the ones causing harm. The concept and language of accountability is now so far removed from the meaning and usage that originated in transformative justice work. For example, we see people say things like, “So-and-so needs to be held accountable,” when in reality, people should be saying, “So-and-so needs to hold themselves accountable.” Nobody can hold anyone else accountable, and this is why transformative justice processes fail so often: Unless the person who caused harm admits to causing the harm and willingly takes steps to rectify it, there will be no “transformation,” only a shiny veneer of “accountability” that eventually leads to the same person causing similar harm in new spaces. Transformation can only exist in people who acknowledge their harm and actively work to ensure it never happens again. There is no shortcut or magical thinking that wills someone to become different; it’s hard work that begins with the person who caused harm in the first place. Without that personal accountability and actionable steps to do better, a transformative justice process is simply not possible.

This then begs the question: “What do we do with people who won’t take accountability and work towards transforming themselves after causing harm?” From an abolitionist perspective, transformative justice is key when imagining non-carceral and non-punitive approaches to conflict and harm, but there are limitations to these approaches.

Specifically, nothing works unless a harm doer willingly engages in an accountability process; sometimes, that process includes staying away from possible victims until the harm doer can prove they are no longer a threat. Some people who still believe cancel culture exists will say that outing harm doers and removing them from spaces is punishment, but that is simply not true. If someone causes harm, is called in privately by their peers and nothing changes, is called out publicly in hope that the greater community will intervene and nothing changes, the only alternative left is removal. How is it “punishment” to out and remove a dangerous person, but their active harm against others is not? For the people comparing a harm doer’s removal from a space to incarceration, that is an entirely false equivalent for obvious reasons, the primary reason being that they are not incarcerated. They are not being “oppressed” by being asked to go back to their normal day jobs and stay away from organizing spaces. They are not being actively punished and the quality of their lives is not being jeopardized.

As a general rule, most people don’t particularly enjoy conflict: it’s embarrassing to be called in even when it’s done by trusted peers, criticism can elicit a knee-jerk defensive response, and it’s scary to feel that you are disappointing people. Although these reactions are commonplace in response to criticism, they are not conducive to healing conflict. (For the intent and purpose of this piece, conflict here refers to normal, low-level interpersonal conflict, not abuse and harm. The latter are serious and should never be minimized to “just interpersonal conflict,” and anyone who does minimize them is probably someone intent on continuing their own harmful and abusive behavior.) In personal and working relationships, it takes a lot of self-awareness and personal accountability to choose understanding others over nursing your own ego. Lashing out when a homie or your peers call you in is ultimately a response rooted in pride and ego. Thinking you are not capable of or that you are otherwise exempt from causing harm stems from the same place. Nobody is perfect, nor are they “above” any form of constructive criticism or community feedback. Liberation is about collective effort towards self-determination and not about untouchable personalities or fragile egos.

Now, imagine pride and ego mixed in with a hunger for power and control. Now you have egotistical people causing serious harm instead of just interpersonal conflict and refusing to be accountable for their actions. When people show that they care about remaining in a position of social power and coddling their bruised egos more than they care about the people they are in community with, believe their actions. Cries about “cancel culture” are really just classic Abuse 101 manipulation tactics to preserve harm doers’ reputations and public images to stay in power, meanwhile their private behaviors attest to an entirely different person. Cries of “cancel culture” also distract from the harm that was actually caused, instead switching the narrative by victimizing the harm doer in order to keep appearances. People who cause harm and then avoid accountability thrive off of being seen as the victim. These people believe that others – including the people they’ve harmedneed to be understanding of them and their personal traumas, need to coddle their ego and public image by being silent, need to allow more harm into their personal spaces. Zero accountability, zero understanding of boundaries except their own, and all the desire to center themselves in the process. Everyone in this violent, cis-heteropatriarchal, racial-colonial system has experienced some form of trauma at some point in their lives; the issue here is the manipulative weaponization of said trauma during incidents of harm or abuse. As comrades in struggle, we owe each other not just the best of ourselves, but also a shared commitment to grow and learn together instead of refusing ownership of harmful actions.

How can we build the elusive, impractical, nonexistent “leftist unity” with people who refuse to take responsibility for the impact of their actions? What are the aims and goals of building false unities with people who harm and back-stab others? Reducing these tensions to mere “interpersonal conflict” and “infighting” implies that we were all on the same side to begin with, which is not true. Reducing harm that is rooted in violent colonial systems of patriarchy to mere “beef” obscures the real issues at hand by collectively gaslighting us (by making us question ourselves whether incidents of harm and abuse really are just “beef” when they are obviously not). Having “left” tendencies does not mean everyone has the same goals, nor that we all agree on how we should achieve them. It certainly doesn’t mean we should ignore harm for the sake of our “leftist” social clubs. Welcoming harm doers and people who avoid accountability into revolutionary spaces does the literal opposite of constructing a community that doesn’t depend on police, politicians, or their shitty joint legislature; instead, it shows just how invested we still are in maintaining abusive social dynamics that inevitably recreate oppressive social structures.

Treating activism as a social scene leads to investments in pre-existing social conditions: public image and respectability, power and hierarchy, cisheteropatriarchy and whiteness. As anarchists cultivating autonomous spaces, how do we allow people – especially disruptive white people in primarily Black and brown spaces – to appoint themselves as leaders and make themselves indispensable to our movements? It’s inconsistent with horizontal organization and leaderless movements, but entirely consistent with clout chasing and hierarchy. How do we take seriously people who claim to be doing “illegal shit” for street cred while blasting their full names and faces on social media when we should be dismissing them as fed magnets? How do we trust with security the people who care more about being seen as activists instead of keeping our comrades and spaces safe?

Cult of personality activism isn’t new but is definitely on the rise with the prevalence of social media. There really is a playbook for “activist-y” types: people who put “activist” in their social media bio like it’s a profession, hobby, or identity; people who post themselves and others at actions and/ or doing illegal shit; people who tag the organizations and groups they belong to in their bios. Not only is it a gross manifestation of the need for attention and social clout, it can actually be really dangerous – real life, end your shit dangerous. It sounds dramatic, especially to people who aren’t involved in clandestine activity. Sure, perhaps tagging the nonprofit where you do above-ground work isn’t going to get you caught up, but some clout-chaser posting your mutual aid group on their bio is a potential security threat: publicly posting who you work with can alert authorities that can infiltrate the group. And no, it’s not the mutual aid initiative the feds are after, necessarily; it’s the juicy details about your comrades planning a demonstration or vandalizing property at an action. In fact, contemporary policing is now preemptive instead of just reactionary; in other words, the state has long studied autonomous movements and has begun to identify “early” signs of disorder, whether or not they are actual “threats.” For instance, police seek to crush dissent before it generalizes to the extent that pigs target mutual aid groups and other community building efforts to instill fear into growing movements. If this still sounds dramatic, we invite you to investigate past experiences to see how Black Lives Matter organizers were targeted and murdered after the Ferguson protests in 2014. In the wake of protests after George Floyd’s murder in 2020, organizers were and are still being targeted by the state. Winston Smith was just murdered by undercover cops after posting a video calling for more militant action against police violence. The Black Panther Party (and other Black liberation groups) is perhaps one of the more famous examples of infiltration leading to death and dissolution; revolutionary Black elders are still imprisoned as we speak because of this. Anyone who is seen as a threat to the state and racial capitalism is dealt with accordingly, and proof of this is sprinkled all throughout history. To not know this history is one thing, but to actively ignore and dismiss the possibility of violent repression is to put our loved ones in unnecessary danger. Our enemy is the state and although it is certainly not invincible nor should we overestimate its capabilities, we should take our cues from those with direct experience combating state repression and the collective knowledge cultivated by anti-repression efforts across Turtle Island.

Again, for the people not involved in underground organizing, security culture might not be a necessary means to achieve their goals. But to the people doing clandestine work, it can be the difference between life, death, or imprisonment. The point is that people should explore their role in social movements and engage with whatever level of activity they feel comfortable doing; for some, this means exploring militancy or riskier forms of organizing that are necessary for community liberation. Security culture was literally invented to minimize these risks and offer some form of protection; it is meant to keep you, your comrades, and entire movements safe from co-optation and dissolution. As we noted earlier, any person who shows even one sign of defiance against the system – whether that is by doing something as harmless as feeding the homeless – puts a potential target on someone’s back. Any “activist” worth their shit understands that this work comes with risk, and whether it is their own risk or not, should care to protect their peers if they’re actually an “ally” to radical work. Disregarding anonymity and security for social clout is irresponsible and selfish, and shows how just one grifter, clout-chaser, starry-eyed liberal, and the like can end individual lives, larger organizations, and entire movements. People with these tendencies need to be taken seriously as the threats they are.

Harm doers who refuse accountability need to understand that nobody owes them forgiveness, especially when the behaviors that led to a call out have not changed and will not change in the foreseeable future. Nobody should be expected to be Jesus Christ who “turned the other cheek” after getting whipped across the face. If someone unrepentantly causes harm, actively tries to hide it, and then continues to cause harm, people have every right to keep themselves and their loved ones safe by keeping far fucking away and warning others of harmful behavior. It’s not “punishment,” it’s a matter of boundaries and safety. Actions have natural consequences and harmful people are not entitled to the communities and spaces they have actively harmed. We all have the right to self-defense and safety from all those who wish us harm, whether they are state or non-state agents.

Still, there will always be people who sympathize more with harm doers than the people harmed: “But they’ve never acted that way towards me! But why couldn’t they be privately accused instead of publicly outed? But why do they need to be canceled instead of rehabilitated?” And to those people, we welcome you to take the initiative in rehabilitating people who aren’t invested in their own transformation and reject accountability entirely, since this seems to be an area of interest for you! Did this letter make you angry because it “called out” people it shouldn’t have, or because you don’t think call outs have a place in transformative justice? If you don’t want people to be “disposed of,” then you should take the initiative to head accountability processes and ensure harm doers meet the demands made and actually change. Otherwise, you’re not just a morally superior sympathizer, you’re complicit in harm as well as the perpetuation of a culture that accepts it, which is far more insidious than individual instances of harm. In this patriarchal society, r*pe culture is not just about actions committed but also – as the name implies – society-wide norms and values that enable violence and silence survivors. When people refuse to be responsible for the harm they cause, they are destined to keep doing it. There is no magical fix to harm or people who cause harm, and all of the people crying about disposability and cancel culture never even attempt transformative or restorative justice work because they have no better solutions. Siding with harm doers because you empathize more with them than the people they harm doesn’t make you more radical or more moral, it makes you complicit. We must not be innocent bystanders to incidents of harm any longer.

As a community, we need to be willing to tell unrepentant harm doers that we fucking see and remember them: even if they stop posting for a week waiting for their call out to blow over, even if they delete posts and pretend nothing happened, even if they change their scene and move to a different place, we will remember how they willfully harmed the people they were supposed to be in community with and purposefully tried to slip that harm through the cracks. Today, it will be specific people in our own communities stealing funds, posturing as saviors for Black and brown people while harming them, using organizing spaces for personal clout. But it isn’t just an individual issue or a new one: this is a playbook that happens across time and place and will continue doing so if we don’t learn to spot these patterns early and address them immediately. Organizers involved in transformative justice work have been screaming into the void about this for much longer than we have. We keep our communities safe by recognizing grifters, abusers, and manipulators and shutting down bullshit as soon as we see it. By cultivating a culture in which we prioritize the safety and security of ourselves and our comrades – be it against feds, snitches, or abusers alike – we make it less likely for our comrades to experience harm or our movements to be co-opted by walking safety/ security threats. Anything else shows that we care less about the safety of our comrades than we do about maintaining a status quo that is not designed to keep marginalized identities safe in the first place. Anything else allows rot to take root in our spaces and suffocate us the same way the state already does. If harm and unrepentant harm doers are inevitable because “we live in a society,” the very least we can do is take responsibility for our inadvertent contribution to this culture and try our best to snuff it out once and for all.

Solidarity and strength to all survivors and communities who are harmed and silenced. The axe forgets, but the tree remembers.

Burn Your Ballot— Political Theatre Does Not Represent Us

Consider this comprehensive piece as the final word on the topic of voting. Voting for better politicians, mayors, police commissioners, policies, or presidents will never set us free. By voting, we surrender our own autonomy by recognizing the legitimacy of this shitty system through participation in it. We must refuse our involvement in the games of reforms or bargaining. What is most at stake in our participation in this settler-colonial, anti-Black political system is the issue of capture: if we participate and vote in this system, we are embedded even deeper within this decaying system (even if it is for “good” reforms), instead of separating ourselves from it. Only through a collective departure— or, mass non-participation—will we ever be able to become autonomous and self-determining. In the end, every vote for a politician is a vote for increasing state power: the politician’s power only comes from the barrel of a police officer’s gun. Are we trying to set our communities free through abolition, or increase the legitimacy of this police state? We must heed the words of Martin Luther King Jr. when he rightfully observed that political participation is just “integration into a burning house”. It will be on us to create the infrastructure and alternatives needed for us to finally desert this sinking ship.


126 million people do not care about political theatre.

There has been a lot of discourse over the upcoming presidential election this coming November. All kinds of people have had deep arguments revolving around the following concerns: “Why should we vote?” “What are the downsides of not voting?” “Reasons why we should never vote.” “Why voting is anti-Black and colonial,” etc. In the end, debates about all of these positions around voting re-center the American political machine, whether or not people feel sympathetic or apathetic towards the political institution itself. However, there has been very little discussion that mentions the large mass of people who do not vote.

Here are a few basic statistics:

  • There are about 330 million people living in the US.
  • There are about 16-20 million people who cannot vote because they are undocumented, felons, or ex-convicts.
  • There are about 246 million people who are eligible to vote in the US.
  • There were only about 136 million people who turned out to vote for a president in 2016.

So, these numbers and some simple math show that there were about 126-130 million people in the US who did not vote in 2016.

We argue that these people will never be fully absorbed into the system and its political institutions, and we should explore the potentialities that underlie this reality. In particular, we want to ask some questions about all the debates regarding voting: Who’s having these conversations about voting in the first place? Are we speaking to educated, college degree audiences? Are all of the debates on voting – whether defenses for or rebuttals against – even relevant to the over 126 million people who do not vote? If we all know that the political system is failing and dying, how can we side step and move beyond the need to center the political institution in the first place? If there are at least 126 million people who frankly do not care about politics or the nation’s political theatre, what can this mean for autonomous movement building?

The debates around voting tend to be very saviorist, which imply a desire to “save” others from acting “improperly.” This is a form of paternalism. We hope that we can one day render all political institutions (and the police that underlie them) irrelevant to our lives, and maybe that begins with the 126 million who are apathetic about politics – as we should all be.

Autonomy will never be achieved at the voting booths.

Time and time again, we see and hear the argument about privilege in regard to voting: the people who do vote are privileged and selfish, and the people who don’t vote are somehow also privileged and selfish. This argument is tired and premised on shaming people into action through condescension and guilt. So, who are these people who aren’t voting, and why don’t they vote, anyway?

Despite the opinions claiming that non-voters are the “privileged few” who have no critical stake in politics:

  • Voting trends in 2016 and 2018 both show that almost half of nonvoters are non-white, even though these communities compose only one-fourth of the voting population.
  • 56% of nonvoters are quite poor – making less than $30,000 per year – even though that income group constitutes just over one-fourth of the voting population.

People who abstain from voting do so because they are so misrepresented or entirely ignored by electoral politics and policies to bother voting. The solution to a corrupt system can’t be to just register these people to vote and provide information on candidates or policies, because the problem isn’t whether they have the capacity to vote. They choose not to vote because electoral politics have not substantially changed their lived realities. There is a correlation between those who choose not to vote and those who belong to the most vulnerable communities – people who are indigenous, Black, undocumented, queer, poor, and so on.

One of the most common arguments for “voting blue no matter who” is the fear of mass deportations and further xenophobia from the Trump administration.

  • 409,849 undocumented folks were deported under Obama in 2012.
  • A little over 265,000 undocumented folks were deported under Trump in 2019.
  • Section 287(g) of the Immigration and Nationality Act states that law enforcement (local) can partner with ICE (federal) to deport people in a local community. This means that cities and counties can become subject to federal jurisdiction regardless of more benevolent local policies – and/or local elected representatives.

These local representatives and local elections are, on a smaller scale, comparable to “voting blue no matter who” when it comes to presidency. At the end of the day, local and federal electoral politics are just electoral politics, and this is just one snapshot demonstrating the neglect of one vulnerable group of people.

In San Bernardino, local elected officials are making six-digit salaries while the city recovers from bankruptcy for the past five years, and while most members of the community aren’t making even close to that salary range. How can it be argued that electoral politics and elected officials are designed to listen to and protect vulnerable communities, when these communities are the first to be exploited – even at the local level?

“… We must recognize how [these] systems have evolved to the point where you hardly have to keep someone from voting to keep their vote from having effect. The system evolves to protect itself, and privilege is the opposite of giving up on the belief it will self-rectify” – Hari Ziyad.

We can do more – and better – for ourselves than voting.

Flint, Michigan is still without clean water. Continuous accounts of state violence are being (badly) mitigated by Democratic promises of reform that will give more funding to police. Joe Biden himself has explicitly stated that he does not – and will never – support Medicare for All. The last post included deportation statistics under Obama vs. Trump; there is a reason Obama was labeled “deporter in chief” despite being a Democratic president. These problems don’t start or end with blue vs. red, and they won’t end just by flipping the White House. Even when Obama ran under a campaign that promised “change,” the most vulnerable populations still suffered and were placated by empty promises. Now, Joe Biden himself has assured Americans that “nothing [will] fundamentally change.”

For younger, self-identifying “leftists,” Bernie Sanders’ first presidential campaign was an initial exposure to “leftism.” If his 2016 – and his most recent – defeat should have taught his supporters anything, it’s that the two-party system is designed to maintain the status quo, and that even the threat of capitalism-lite (Sanders’ Democratic Socialism) is still threatening enough for Democrats to end it themselves. The 2016 email leak revealed correspondence between DNC officials stating that the Democratic National Committee (DNC) “tried to aid [Hillary] Clinton and hamper [Bernie] Sanders,” as well as discussed ways they could sabotage Sanders’ campaign and smudge his public appearance. Not only did this demonstrate the monopoly that the two-party voting system has over the United States, it also explicitly revealed that even the “progressive party” will refuse to move further left if it threatens the hierarchy.

That all being said, it’s safe to say that most of us are not represented or protected by electoral politics and politicians, even locally. When you trust the government and its legislation instead of yourself and your community, you unintentionally reinforce the need to appeal to the moral judgement of those in power. Voting cannot be our survival strategy when so many colonized and oppressed people won’t survive, even after they vote. We don’t need to ask permission to exist safely and live dignified lives. We deserve more than the crumbs of politicians and reformist legislature.

Many of the people who are up in flames about non-voters are people whose “activism” ends at voting and getting people to vote. A lot of these people condescend non-voters and sarcastically ask leftists, “Well then, what do you want me to do?” Which begs the question… What can you do instead of voting?

“White Democrats who are pushing for Black folks to save America from itself have demonstrated our relative unimportance by refusing to help us strategize around safety during participation in electoral politics.” – Brittany Lee Frederick.

White voters, what are y’all doing to ensure the safety of Black voters and the follow-through of white politicians? What are y’all doing to ensure the safety of BIPOC period? There’s more work to be done than just voting on the ballot and never doing any other work. Still, we don’t want to encourage defeatism or inaction by overwhelming people with the amount of work that needs to be done; that’s the opposite of what any of us should focus on.

It’s when we renounce electoral politics and also refrain from doing other work that we feel most defeated and eventually, guilted into “at least” voting… and the cycle continues. That guilt and impotence that stems from inaction is diminished when we get involved in our communities and see our power first hand. We can’t invalidate the work people are doing outside of the system just because they didn’t bubble in their ballots; that’s just one action in their lives as opposed to many. Even if we all bubbled in ballots, the real change will come from doing the labor and building support networks within our own communities. So much attention is focused on voter registration and information, especially with the upcoming elections.

But how different could things be if we reallocated our resources and numbers from politics and directly into the community? The refusal to participate in this system comes after divesting from the system itself, a slow process that comes after the realization that no politicians will come to your rescue because they simply don’t care. Instead of letting that instill fear and hopelessness in you, let it radicalize and empower you. Choosing not to vote isn’t fatalistic, as some believe; in fact, there’s more hope in trusting that our communities can fend for themselves without relying on puppets. When we redirect our idealism and hope from the system and into ourselves, there is a higher likelihood that our needs and the needs of our communities will be met.

The reality for most is that we don’t have the resources to fully invest in electoral politics and also resist them. The truth is that with jobs, school, families, and downtime to account for, most can’t fully invest in phone banking for politicians and still have the time and energy to commit to organizing in their community. When we talk about dismantling and defunding and abolishing, it’s easy to get lost in the commitment to destruction and forget that we also need to build and nurture. A big part of the fight lies in how we build support networks outside of the structures we hope to destroy. There are already people and projects across the IE getting involved and helping their communities.

Do you have clothes you never got rid of during spring cleaning because we got stuck in quarantine? Consider putting together a clothing drive or clothes swap with some friends. Do you have a space in your yard and like to garden? Plant some herbs and veggies and distribute produce around your block. Do you like crafting and working with your hands? Make some face masks and hand sanitizer to give out to the houseless population. Anything from skill sharing – cooking classes, financial literacy courses, political education, translation services, and more – to providing services – child-care, ride sharing, community gardening, running errands for the elderly (especially during COVID) – is useful.

Everyone has a skill, an interest, a talent. We can all build on what we already have and share it with our community instead of waiting on politics to save us.


References

– Clusiau, C. & Schwarz, S. (Directors). (2020). The power of the vote [Television series episode]. In Schwartz, S. (Producer), Immigration nation. Scotts Valley, California: Netflix.

– Greenwald, G. (2020, Apr 9) Nonvoters are not privileged. They are disproportionately lower-income, nonwhite, and dissatisfied with the two parties. The Intercept. https://theintercept.com

– NYT Editorial Board (2019, Jul 13) All presidents are deporters in chief. The New York Times. https://www.nytimes.com/

– Department of Homeland Security (2020, Sep 30) Delegation of immigration authority section 287(g) immigration and nationality act. https://www.ice.gov/287g

– Ziyad, H. (2016, Oct 13) Not voting is not a privilege. Black Youth Project. http://blackyouthproject.com/

Ballotpedia (2016) Democratic national committee (DNC) email leak, 2016. https://ballotpedia.org

Higgins, E. (2019, June 19) Vowing not to ‘demonize’ the rich, biden tells billionaires ‘nothing would fundamentally change’ if he was elected. Common Dreams. https://www.commondreams.org


Further reading:

“Reaching Beyond ‘Black Faces in High Places’: An Interview With Joy James” from Truthout

“Socialist Faces in High Places: Elections & the Left” by Black Rose/Rosa Negra

“Voting is Not Harm Reduction” by Indigenous Action

Towards Autonomous Solidarity— Beyond Leftism, Ideology, & Rigid Political Labels

Summary: In this piece, we discuss the ways in which certain practices within Leftism, rigid ideologies, and political labels become roadblocks to our movement organizing. We argue that political institutions and ideologies do not capture or fully address what is most at stake in our liberation struggles: the fight to materially dismantle hierarchies of race, anti-Blackness, class, and gender. Many Leftists tend to push away people that are different from them—this reproduces the “good citizen, bad citizen” model of organizing that seeks to measure people’s “commitment” to an organization or cause. In addition, many forms of street self-organization tend to be opaque or illegible to mainstream leftists and organization-centric activists. In the end, this piece is a call for autonomous solidarity— the proliferation of diverse tactics and reciprocal community support needed to finally dismantle oppressive hierarchies. Autonomous solidarity functions by focusing primarily on meeting each other’s material needs, rendering ideology as secondary.


We want to discuss “leftism” and the widespread usage of political labels in this post. We argue that people should not be afraid to link up and get organized just because they haven’t figured out their “label” or “political identity” yet. As we fight for liberation, we must recognize that abolition and revolution are not necessarily about political institutions or ideologies. The fight is ultimately about race, anti-Blackness, class, and gender. Our lived experiences of oppression will NEVER become legible to society’s political institutions and – a lot of the times – political ideologies prevent us from seeing these lived experiences as autonomous struggles of their own. In other words, we are not concerned with politics, but with materially dismantling the oppressive structures that shape people’s lives.

Just because someone self-identifies as part of a certain ideology does not mean they do the work of dismantling the hierarchies of race, anti-Blackness, class, gender, ability, etc. To reiterate earlier points, we are ALL learning to dismantle these interpersonal oppressions and no one is truly free from repeating these behaviors. We should be centering people’s intentions to learn, grow, and engage in transformative change as opposed to assuming they are “down” just because they identify as part of x, y, or z political ideology. There are entire systems to be abolished and very significant work begins at home and in our communities. We must all (re)assume collective responsibility to each other by undoing inter-personal forms of oppression: this will never be achieved through political institutions, and most political ideologies overlook said inter-personal dynamics.

Identifying as certain political labels, in fact, is part of the problem. A lot of the times, we feel that if we do not know the entire theoretical positions or histories of certain political ideologies, that we are not able to engage with “politics.” Fighting against oppression does not require us to sign up for some organization or forcibly identify with a political tradition. The issue is the act of taking up an identity: it is an exclusionary way of existing, and it pretends to be free of all differences or deviations. For example, we all know how adhering to any kind of identity (i.e. ethnic, political, cultural identities) is almost impossible because everyone has different (sometimes contradictory) expectations and definitions of said identities. Most importantly, we can engage with liberation struggles without having to “identify” as anything in particular because liberation transcends political institutions and ideologies.

We should not be concerned with “the battle of ideas” when our community’s lives and well-being are at stake. More times than few have “leftist” cliques and their “in-groups” competed for clout or attempted to display the best analysis or practice. We gotta stay humble and keep it real with each other. Beef between different “leftist” ideologies, usually grounded in abstract debate and speculation, has almost ZERO correspondence to the needs and realities of regular people in real life. No one in the IE really cares about what theoretical beef Kropotkin and Marx had back in the late 1800’s; what matters most are material needs right now! Likewise, we should not be concerned with persuading or converting people to follow one abstract ideological line over another, but instead with collectively building a MATERIAL line of autonomous power. Ideology and labels should not be obstacles in the way of our self-determination.

Ideologies have preconceived notions of the world and its workings. When taken too literally, they try to scientifically explain the mechanisms of the world under their framework. However, social reality does not obey laws like in physics–it is complex, messy, and fragmented, so that every idealized formula for radical change will always be imperfect. Ideology tends to prevent a proper analysis of concrete situations or moments that do not fall under the scope of the ideology’s concepts or frameworks. For example, the over-fixation on the category of the worker/working-class does not access the positionality of Blackness or the lived experiences of disability. In fact, the best people to organize with are those who are not entrenched in a rigid ideology: ideology lays out only one way of seeing the world and only one way of engaging in action, instead of inhabiting multiplicity as it exists.

Rigid ideology tends to generate certainties and fixed answers that close off the potential for experimentation. However, these certain tendencies can harden into stifling patterns, especially when spaces become purist or dogmatic about their way of doing things – such as believing that politics can only happen by adhering to a set program or party line. As the foos from CrimethInc. put it:

“If the hallmark of ideology is that it begins from an answer or a conceptual framework and attempts to work backward from there, then one way to resist ideology is to start from questions rather than answers. That is to say— when we intervene in social conflicts, doing so in order to assert questions rather than conclusions. What is it that brings together and defines a movement, if not questions? Answers can alienate or confound, but questions seduce. Once enamored of a question, people will fight their whole lives to answer it. Questions precede answers and outlast them: every answer only perpetuates the question that begot it.”

The problem is the history of Leftism™ itself; to be clear, we are not right-wing or some “centrists.” But leftism attempts to manage and opportunistically seize moments of rupture when in reality, people take to the streets on their own terms and without managerial direction. Leftists take up too much space and ritualize a meeting-voting-recruiting-marching pattern without strategic reflection. The left in the US has been a nebulous, outdated, distracting, and, at key points, historically counter-productive force (i.e. ‘the left-wing of capital’). For example, just because some non-profits might be “leftist” does not mean that they won’t attempt to set their own self-serving agendas or seek out power. Instead, we should pay attention to the people and the streets, and not efforts made at recuperation by leftists. We can align and act “left,” but not rigidly identify as a dogmatic Leftist™.

To bring it back, we want to call for autonomous solidarity in place of leftism, the marketplace of ideologies, and rigid political labels. Autonomous solidarity could allow for the proliferation of diverse tactics and reciprocal community support needed to finally materially dismantle the hierarchies of race, anti-Blackness, class, and gender.

A few last suggestions:

  • Learn to commonly respect group difference, heterogeneity, and multiplicity (EXCEPT if one group tries to overpower all the other groups, is an oppressive group with known abusers, etc.)
  • Move away from only organizing with other leftists; also organize with regular folks. (The isolation of being “the only Marxist-Leninist” or xyz ideology in your town is, in part, addressed by doing this.)
  • Stop adhering so rigidly to your ideological position and meet people halfway. (Twitter is not real life.)
  • Trust in people’s ability to solve their own problems and take collective responsibility. Be responsive and attentive to others rather than prescribe how they should do it. (This is the basis for autonomy.)
  • Encourage others to ask questions and listen sincerely to responses because new potential and openings emerge from these honest exchanges. (Since ideology tends to prevent growth.)

We might all have idealized images of how social change happens or occurs, and we must be honest about the times we encounter our own errors, frustrations, and mistakes. We gotta keep it real with ourselves and each other, and come to accept the inevitably imperfect nature of revolutionary processes.

From the book ‘Joyful Militancy’: 

“To ward off ideology is not finally to see clearly, but to be disoriented, allowing things to emerge in their murkiness and complexity. It might mean seeing and feeling more, but often vaguely, like flickers in one’s peripheral vision, or strange sensations that defy familiar categories and emotions. It is an undoing of oneself, cutting across the grain of habits and attachments. To step out of an inherited ideology can be joyful and painful.” 

In place of leftism, autonomy!


Further Reading:

“Joyful Militancy: Building Thriving Resistance in Toxic Times” by carla bergman and Nick Montgomery

“Post-Left Anarchy: Leaving the Left Behind” by Jason McQuinn

“Why Leftism – All the Way to Anarchism – is the Last Colonial Project” by Peter Harrison

Breaking Down Common Myths About Resistance

“In order for nonviolence to work, your opponent must have a conscience. The United States has none.”  ― Stokely Carmichael  

  • Negotiation does not work; this is proven by simple, accessible histories. Look at the endless efforts that non-profits, “leaders,” activists, and other organizations make in order to negotiate with the oppressive system and its agents. There have been endless city council meetings attended, petitions signed, calls made, and emails sent to try to get those in power to listen to the needs of the people. Few material gains have been made for such large efforts. Negotiation will only work when we can leverage MATERIAL power that originates from our own terms, instead of engaging on the field of their terms (i.e. demands, respectability, law, etc.).
  • Shaming officials goes nowhere. Politicians, mayors, and other officials obey the logic of capitalism and white power; they have no other mandate than making sure these systems operate efficiently. Yelling “Shame!” at cops or guilt-tripping politicians does nothing because they have no conscience: they only go through the motions set in place by capital and white supremacy. Feelings belong to humans, not to agents of the state; they don’t care about us, the state only cares about itself. Systems of oppression are not dismantled by appeals to emotion, logic or ethics; they’re dismantled by material action.
  • Accountability will never exist. Every large city or metropolitan area in this country has spent decades attempting to get officials to be accountable to their demands and needs. Accountability will only exist where authority is abolished: we can only hold others accountable when we share a reciprocal, horizontal relationship with them. By nature, state officials have authority and vertical power over us, and are only accountable to the needs of capitalism and white supremacy. If holding the state accountable was a reality in the first place, then it would have radically changed a long time ago. Obviously, the police prevent this from happening.
  • Visibility is a trap. Many times, we think that “shedding light on this community” or “finally getting the representation that this group lacked” are forms of liberation. In fact, becoming palatable or assimilating into the power structure (and its forms of representation) is counter-productive. We end up being shunned, fetishized, and ostracized in the spaces where we see “Black and brown faces in high places.” In fact, the same people who “represent” us typically end up reproducing the same violent white supremacist structures that they vowed to undo (see, most recently: AOC voting in favor of a generous military budget). Visibility is a trap because it is all about appearances: the surface of the power structure changes but underneath, it runs just the same way it always has.
  • Existence is not resistance. We have all heard this cliche before: to take up space and proclaim your position, usually in an environment where your presence is not welcomed. However, this falls into the same issue of visibility and appearances: your presence in a white, upper-class, or prestigious space is not a sign of radical change but is rather the recuperation and re-legitimization of the space itself. Instead of questioning the validity of such spaces in the first place, this position assumes that the presence of marginalized people in these spaces signifies freedom for all marginalized folks. This is not true because the space co-opts your unique existence, continues to take on a material life (i.e. individualism, capitalism, etc.), and does not care about our collective existence.
  • You cannot speak truth to power. Similarly, your actions are not a “voice” for the “voiceless.” A lot of the time, we may think that well-thought-out and convincing arguments will cause a shift in power relations. But power operates mechanically and logistically, outside of the will of bureaucrats. Discourse works to help communities themselves to create meaning for each other and communicate needs, but attempting to use discourse to disrupt power is like screaming into an empty void. In fact, those in power like to parrot the same words and discourses that people in social movements create, such as Sanders or AOC who shout “Abolish the Police” only to vote in favor of its funding. To power, we must speak to only in the language it will ever understand: the language of action, of disruption, and destruction.
  • My struggle isn’t your struggle (or “mi lucha es tu lucha”). We all have very different experiences and even if we share the same identities with others, this does not translate into the same kinds of politics or desires. Black experience in the US is a struggle of its own and non-Black people should not try to make it seem like your experiences are entirely relatable, even if you are a POC. This also extends to the lived experiences that vary across gender, skin color, ability, class, etc. We can find common ground not by homogenizing communities, but rather by identifying the common enemy and attacking it simultaneously. The different experiences that we live through all share the same, material source: let’s start there, because solidarity means attack, together.
  • We do not need white allies. White accomplices are preferred, but white people should not be at the forefront of our movements or at actions. We are the only ones who can and should be liberating ourselves from white supremacy, fascism, and capitalism: this puts self-determination directly into the hands of the most oppressed. When we learn the methods to fight back against oppression, we do not need to rely on benevolent white people to stand up for us. In fact, we should never rely on them; instead, we should learn to have each other’s backs as non-white communities. We have talked about autonomous initiative before and want to expand on that by arguing that white folks should ideally direct their energies towards helping initiatives that are both by and for BIPOC. Typically, white-led formations tend to reproduce the white power relations that exist at large: autonomous white power is still just white power. White initiatives should therefore materially aid already existing or needed projects that support BIPOC communities.
  • Peaceful protest is not effective. Peaceful actions DO NOT grant us any moral leverage or mainstream acceptability. For example, many people still think that the Civil Rights Movement was peaceful when it was, in fact, not. It only made partial gains because of the threat of Black militancy and armed self-defense. Actions must be about material effectiveness, not morality or an ethical “higher ground”. Explore the histories detailed in the following books: “This Nonviolent Stuff’ll Get You Killed: How Guns Made the Civil Rights Movement Possible” by Charles E. Cobb Jr. and also “We Will Shoot Back: Armed Resistance in the Mississippi Freedom Movement” by Akinyele Omowale Umoja.Abolition will not be peaceful.

A Critique of Performative Politics & Symbolic Protest

A call to action for shifting movement actions away from symbolism and towards material disruption & abolition.

We believe in healthy, constructive critique, and we think that movements and the individuals that make them should be self-critical in order to improve practice and thought. But too many times, our community actions try to replicate the most visible or publicized forms of actions, and try to follow models of organizing that carry the most social capital. Most of the time (there are some exceptions), this ends up reproducing ineffective political positions and actions. In particular, we want to point out the issues of performative politics and symbolic protest.

Performative politics are exactly what they sound like: taking action through superficial performances. One of the definitions of performance is “a musical, dramatic, or other entertainment presented before an audience.” Similarly, performative politics are a politic rooted in recycled scripts and uncritically repeating prescribed roles. By the nature of performance, people tend to not think for themselves and let others dictate their moves. This politic detracts from the autonomous potential that lies outside of pre-ordained or “acceptable” political and protest norms. By “symbolic protest,” we mean the ways certain types of actions mostly (not always) implement a performance that does not materially disrupt systems of oppression. These include but are not limited to: taking a knee, yelling at cops, hashtags or Instagram “Blackout” posts, letters of opposition, taunting officials, parades, voting booths, etc. All of these things are about symbolism and are more about “making a point” than actual disruption.

We want to center our main argument here: we should be gauging our power in terms of our material capacity to shut down material systems of oppression. We want to say, Keep the actions and momentum going! This is NOT a diss to organizers who are new or folks who have just started taking the streets; everyone is still learning, and this is a lifelong experience. We also do not want to diss previous protest actions that were peaceful or youth-led initiatives for voting, etc. In fact, to qualify what we are saying about what causes changes, we’d like to mention that we will never know what effect these actions truly have because inspiration is not something tangible that can be calculated. However, we do know, based on decades of performative actions and symbolic protests, that those methods do not and have never dismantled systems of oppression. Otherwise, we wouldn’t be where we are now.

We acknowledge that certain actions can be labeled performative or symbolic AND may still have been inspiring for some folks, and that’s perfectly fine. That is all valid, and we appreciate the bonds and connections made through past actions because that is what liberation is all about. HOWEVER, we do want to be clear that we must abandon performative and symbolic action when we feel ready to take part in direct action or be a part of autonomous initiatives.

Imagine how many more people could be inspired if ALL of our protests and actions materially disrupted capitalism and state violence; how many more people could be inspired by a MATERIAL shift in their lives. Our main point is that symbolic action will never accomplish that material shift, even when it feels better than doing nothing; that’s the difference. We want to push for folks to get involved in projects that really disrupt oppression. Dismantling power materially is not just inspiring, but also directly affects our lives and disentangles our communities from the material strongholds of capitalism and white supremacy. We can only get rid of these systems once and for all when we shift away from symbolism and performance and instead, towards material disruption and abolition.

A few other points that we want to reiterate:

  1. We want to push back on the predictability of protests and marches. If there is no element of surprise or an assessment of local power relations to act upon, these actions become easy to repress by cops and fascists. Instead, how can we intentionally channel these demonstrations to attack material targets of oppression (i.e. condos, warehouses, police precincts, frat houses)?
  2. What does actual material subversion look like? We suggest looking up and learning these methods (look them up using DuckDuckGo search engine, on a Tor Browser, or on CrimethInc.’s website): sabotage, blockades, squatting, black blocs, monkey-wrenching, occupations, tree-sitting, expropriations, and other direct actions and autonomous projects.
  3. We should stop over-directing community resources on bail funds for non-impactful “intentional arrest” actions. Let’s save that for Black/queer/trans funds, where they are really needed.
  4. If there’s no foreseeable direct, material change as a result of the work being done, we should question its effectiveness. A good rule of thumb to gauge performativity is to ask yourself who the action is for and whether it directly benefits them. For example, posting a black square in honor of #BLM but not doing any other work for Black lives does not benefit the Black community. (We are NOT equating relevant, behind-the-scenes work to useless, performative work. Keep educating yourself when no one is looking, joining reading groups, having low-key meet-ups with comrades, etc. even if the effects of these aren’t immediate.)
  5. Keyboard warriors would benefit from putting their phones down more often and meeting real people. Tweets and statements are valuable only when accompanied by action and change, and when they’re written by people who are actually doing the work. The oversaturation of commentary online based on theory and opinion detracts from relevant anecdotal evidence and analysis provided by people who are actually on the ground. Practice is the best teacher.
  6. Asking celebrities and people with accolades (i.e. doctors, lawyers, legislators) to co-sign your action literally does nothing except display an attempt to be palatable to the public. We don’t need “distinguishable” acceptance for our demands to be valid and, instead, need to reject respectability in all forms.
  7. Petitions do NOT guarantee anything because they appeal to legislators and politicians who already don’t empathize with our struggles. Like statements, petitions are only useful when they’re accompanied by other actions to legitimize them. In fact, online petitions (such as those Change.org petitions that have been circulating) can instead document/publicize your information (name, zip code) if you forget to sign anonymously.
  8. As mentioned previously, things like sit-ins, group-chaining, op-eds, etc. are purely performative. We’d also like to reiterate the problem with labeling protest actions as “peaceful” and the effects of the enforcement of peace at these actions. Demonstrators will lose interest if they see a call to action that does not result in material change. When an action is just a street performance that asks for political leaders to empathize, we should question who we’re doing this for and why. (People who aren’t ready to get rowdy should not feel forced to, but a protest should be a place that allows rowdy protestors AND peaceful ones. The absolutism and enforcement of the “peaceful” label is the problem here; P.L.U.R. is cool for music festivals, but not for shutting down the system.)
  9. Create a power-map of your area and/or conduct a tactical terrain analysis with your squad, and share it with others in an assembly or discussion. These two methods of outlining local power relations allows communities to identify key material targets, suitable for subversive actions that lead to material disruption. Look for the openings where you can attain maximum rewards with minimal consequences.

Towards abolition and nothing less!

Against the Politics of Safety, Privilege, and Allyship

We have all heard it before:

“Black people and POC should not be at the frontlines, it is too dangerous for them.”

“The role of white people is to do the riskiest tasks, BIPOC are too at risk!”

“Only white people destroy things and agitate, BIPOC know not to do those things!”

“I am an ally to this struggle and will only do the things that the leaders of the struggle say to do.”

All of these misled statements and widely held beliefs result in the following:

  • Erasure of Black, Indigenous, and POC militants, risk-takers, and revolutionaries
  • Belittle and infantilize the struggles of marginalized people by telling them how to NOT resist
  • Gaslight and mislead marginalized people into thinking that directly fighting back is counter-productive
  • Upholds savior complexes and allows clout-seeking individuals to become representatives of a struggle by centering respectability, pacifism, and legibility to those in power

When (typically white) people say that others cannot militantly resist their own oppression, they minimize the harm that the oppressed endure, patronize the oppressed by insisting on how they should be receiving help from their “allies,” and establish a false binary between those who can versus those who cannot “properly” resist.

We are told that resistance lies in “speaking truth to power” rather than attacking power materially. We are told by an array of non-profit-certified “white allies” that the very things we need to do in order to free ourselves from domination cannot be done by us because we’re simply too vulnerable to state repression. To these things, we must say, Enough bullshit! We must refuse this idea of privilege: the idea that only a select exclusive few can take up action against systems of oppression.

The privilege theory model of activism has weakened movement organizing by confusing identity categories with solidarity, thus reinforcing stereotypes about the political homogeneity and helplessness of “communities of color.” However, many self-appointed leaders tend to weaponize the concept of “the community” in order to wield it for their (usually liberal and reformist) ends. Uncritical adherence to the use of the word “community” tends to hide the power moves made by clout-seekers. We should push back against the habit of deferring to the concerns of so-called “community leaders.”

It is a well-worn activist formula to point out that “representatives” of different identity categories must be placed “front-and-center” in struggles against oppression. But this is meaningless without also specifying the content of their politics. For example, the US Army is simultaneously one of the most racially integrated and oppressive institutions in American society. “Diversity” alone is a meaningless political idea which defines agency as inclusion within oppressive systems and equates identity categories with political beliefs.

These models of privilege and allyship politics relinquishes power to political representatives and reinforces stereotypes of individually “deserving” and “undeserving” victims of racism, sexism, and homophobia. A vast nonprofit industrial complex and a class of professional “community spokespeople” has arisen over the last several decades to define the parameters of acceptable political action and debate. However, we must challenge all and every group’s attempts at trying to become the most “legitimate” actor against oppression. Ultimately, “legitimacy” has more to do with hoarding social, cultural, and material capital rather than the subversion required to undo all forms of capital.

This politics of safety continually projects an image of powerlessness that keeps BIPOC, women, and trans/queers “protected,” confining them to speeches and mass rallies rather than active disruption. This kind of politic defers to palatable, white middle-class cultural values, such as respectability, legitimacy, or legibility. When we are considered too “rowdy” or “defensive” by liberals and reformists, they are ultimately making us LESS safe by diluting the true nature of resistance. As oppressed peoples, in order for us to be TRULY safe, we needa get rowdy and violent towards this dangerous system against the wishes of respectable “activists” or “community leaders”!

When activists argue that power “belongs in the hands of the most oppressed,” it is clear that their primary audience for these appeals can only be white activists, and that they understand power as something which is granted or bestowed by the powerful. Appeals to white benevolence to let BIPOC “lead political struggles” assumes that white activists can somehow relinquish their privilege and legitimacy to oppressed communities and that these communities cannot act and take power for themselves. Allyship is treated as an identity, but it is not true solidarity: solidarity is based on action, not on opinions or by superficially “leaving your privilege at the door.”

BIPOC communities are not a single, homogeneous bloc with identical political opinions. White allyship both flattens political differences between whites and homogenizes the populations they claim to speak on behalf of. The absurdity of privilege politics re-centers anti-racist practice on whites and white behavior, and assumes that racism (and often by implicit or explicit association, anti-Blackness, sexism, homophobia, and transphobia) manifest primarily as individual privileges which can be “checked,” given up, or absolved through individual resolutions. Privilege politics is ultimately completely dependent upon precisely that which it condemns: white benevolence.

In seeking oppressed groups to take direction from, white folks of­ten end up tokenizing a specific group whose politics most match their own. “What does the NAACP [or Critical Resistance, or the Dreamers] think about this?” Likewise, they may latch on to the most visible “leaders” of a community because it is quicker and easier to meet the director of an organization, minister of a church, or politician representing a district than to build real relationships with the people those leaders purport to represent. This approach to dismantling racism structurally reinforces the hierarchical power that we’re fighting against by asking a small group to represent the views of an entire category of people with radically different lived experiences.

Being an ally has come to mean legitimizing a political position by borrowing someone else’s voice— always acting in someone else’s name without questioning the principle of appropriating others’ struggles. It’s a way of simultaneously taking power and evading personal accountability.

The idea of allyship obscures the fact that hidden choices are being made about who is being listened to, inculcating the idea that there is a single “community of people of color” that share common interests that could be properly represented by leaders, rather than a heterogeneous mass with both overlapping and sometimes deeply contradictory ideas. This repositions the white ally to wield the power of determining who are the most representative and appropriate black and brown voices. And, most importantly, who are white “allies” to determine who/ what is the most appropriate anything?

We must abolish the ally-industrial complex, and all of the components that make it possible: non-profits, whiteness, infantilization, representation, individualism, legitimacy, respectability, and the fear of truly disruptive revolt.

In place of the politics of allyship and privilege and their forms of activism, we suggest:

  • Warding off any and all attempts of local actors that try to seize the title of “community leader,” “local organizer,” “representative/ voice of xyz” – such moves are hierarchical power grabs and should be checked as such.
  • Building relationships with community as accomplices, not allies, which are relations realized through mutual consent and built trust.
  • As accomplices, being compelled to become accountable and responsible to each other.
  • Not waiting around for anyone to proclaim you an accomplice. You certainly cannot proclaim it yourself; you just are or you are not. The lines of oppression are already drawn.
  • Direct action is really the best and perhaps the only way to learn what it means to be an accomplice: we’re in a fight, so be ready for confrontation and consequence.
  • Recognizing that we inhabit multiplicity, which means that we live in a diverse world with communities that vary significantly between and within themselves. So, as we build power, we must acknowledge that we can only ever speak and act for ourselves.

Our Movements Should Not Make Demands: Breaking down Common Myths about Resistance

“I do not demand any right, therefore I need not recognize any either.”— Max Stirner

If we seek radical change, we need to set our agenda outside the discourses of those who hold power, outside the framework of what their institutions can do. Our movements need to stop presenting demands and start setting objectives. Our collective power must be assessed by our own effectiveness at being able to cause material change, not by what politicians believe is possible.

The main argument presented here is the following: making demands puts you in a weaker bargaining position!

Limiting a movement to specific demands results in:

– Stifling of diversity, setting it up for failure

– Undermining movement longevity

– Creating the false impression that there are easy solutions to problems that are actually extremely complex

In addition, making demands… 

– Presumes that you want things that your adversary can grant

– Legitimizes the power of the authorities you are demanding recognition from, which centralizes agency in their hands instead of ours

– Can prematurely limit the scope of a movement, shutting down the field of other possibilities

– Establishes some people as representatives of the movement, which creates an internal hierarchy and gives them an incentive to control other participants

Instead, our challenge is to create spaces where people can discuss and implement solutions directly on an ongoing and collective basis. Rather than proposing quick fixes, we should spread new practices. We don’t need to follow manifestos or rigid programmes, but points of departure. In fact, our desires and dreams will never be accepted by those in power. By making demands, we minimize and distort our abolitionist desires in language and terms that are suitable to those in power. When we become legible to the state, we lose our autonomous potential and fall into the trap of visibility and reformism. When demands are made, suddenly, our dreams of liberation encounter a reduction in the face of the bureaucracies and re-legitimization of the state.

From this vantage point, we can see that choosing not to make demands is not necessarily a sign of political immaturity. On the contrary, it can be a savvy refusal to fall into the traps that disabled previous generations of movements. Let’s learn our own strengths, outside of the cages and queues of representational politics — beyond the politics of demands.

In the words of James Baldwin: “Perhaps, however, the moral of the story (and the hope of the world) lies in what one demands, not of others, but of oneself.”

 

Further Reading:

“We Demand Nothing: On the Practical Necessity of Demanding Nothing” by Johann Kaspar

“What is Policing? and Tactical Terrain Analysis: a How-To Guide” by Tom Nomad

“Defend the Territory: Tactics and Techniques for Countering Police Assaults on Indigenous Communities” by Warrior Publications

Fanonian Critique of Representation: Against Compromise with and Recuperation by Elites

The insights provided by revolutionary theorist Frantz Fanon allow us to see the different ways that movements in the Inland Empire carry a unique advantage: the lack of domination by mass organizations or movement representatives allows for truly ripe conditions of self-sustaining autonomous organizing. This situation contrasts the realities of large, metropolitan cities where liberal politicians, non-profits, and social democratic organizations tend to dominate and battle for control over social movements. Without seeking to become a new representative or hierarchical force, movements in the IE have a strong and unique potential to develop power in never-before-seen ways.

What follows are a few quotations from the book “The Wretched of the Earth” by the Black, decolonial, revolutionary theorist Frantz Fanon. They are quotations that center his insightful criticisms concerning acts of representation. In his analysis, we see that elites (political, economic, racial, and social classes with power) use representation (via political parties and organizations) to exert control over the oppressed and colonized underclasses (‘the people’). The quotes that follow reveal the problems that occur when parties, organizations, and other vanguard groups sought to “represent” the colonized masses.

In a nutshell, Fanon observed that colonizers impose representation on otherwise autonomous peoples so that the colonizer can negotiate with said elites and representatives in order to co-opt and control the colonized masses. What Fanon spoke about are the limitations of political parties, organizations, and other groups that sought to “represent” the colonized masses, which is an inherently impossible project. His analysis points toward the dynamics of mass organizations during revolutionary movements and how they hinder true liberation at times

In these historical lessons and analysis, Fanon reveals a variety of mechanisms that led to the reproduction of the vicious cycles of power: domination by elites and leaders that replicated colonial structures in the name of nationalism and ‘decolonization.’ As opposed to a true decolonial and anti-capitalist liberation, there was a rotation of leaders who hi-jacked the truly revolutionary activity and energies of the peasants and the oppressed. We must heed these warnings and protect our autonomous power from those who seek to represent us. We must always act in our own name and push away anyone who insists on compromise or liberal recuperation.

Representation is an impossible project that centers the intentions and desires of leaders and “representatives.” Among the representative measures that Fanon discusses in these quotes, there are: self-appointing leadership, compromise, calls for unity, recuperation, and other vertical power dynamics. Representative elites, through their parties and organizations, attempt to make it seem as if their desires are the same as those they attempt to represent. They will ask for us to unite with them; we must insist otherwise. Revolutions and insurrections from-below must reject the top-down agendas pushed by authoritarian groupings and refuse to compromise with any authorities.

‘The people’ are always invisibilized by their ‘representatives’:

“The elite will attach a fundamental importance to organization, so much so that the fetish of organization will often take precedence over a reasoned study of colonial society. The notion of the party is a notion imported from the country. This instrument of modern political warfare is thrown down just as it is, without the slightest modification, upon real life with all its infinite variations and lack of balance, where slavery, serfdom, barter, a skilled working class, and high finance exist side by side.”

Non-violence is a method of recuperation that keeps the elites in control:

“The peasantry is systematically disregarded for the most part by the propaganda put out by the nationalist parties. And it is clear that in the colonial countries the peasants alone are revolutionary, for they have nothing to lose and everything to gain. The starving peasant, outside the class system, is the first among the exploited to discover that only violence pays. For them there is no compromise, no possible coming to terms; colonization and decolonization are simply a question of relative strength. The exploited person sees that their liberation implies the use of all means, and that of force first and foremost.”

Reject compromise with all elites, ward off hierarchical representation:

“At the decisive moment, the colonialist bourgeoisie, which up till then has remained inactive, comes into the field. It introduces that new idea which is in proper parlance a creation of the colonial situation: non-violence. In its simplest form, this non-violence signifies to the intellectual and economic elite of the colonized country that the bourgeoisie has the same interests as they and that it is therefore urgent and indispensable to come to terms for the public good.”

Organization is just a means to other ends, elites use it as an end in itself:

“This idea of compromise is very important in the phenomenon of colonization, for it is very far from being a simple one. Compromise involves the colonial system and the young nationalist bourgeoisie at one and the same time. The partisans of the colonial system discover that the masses may destroy everything. Blow-up bridges, ravaged farms, repressions, and fighting harshly [to] disrupt the economy. Compromise is equally attractive to the nationalist bourgeoisie, who since they are not clearly aware of the possible consequences of the rising storm, are genuinely afraid of being swept away by this huge hurricane…”

The will of ‘the people’ will always exceed the will of the ‘representatives’:

“In certain circumstances, the political party political machine may remain intact. But as a result of the colonialist repression and of the spontaneous reaction of the people, the parties find themselves out-distanced by their militants. The violence of the masses is vigorously pitted against the military forces of the occupying power, and the situation deteriorates and comes to a head…”

Representation is an undesirable game that the elites will always win:

“… Those leaders who are free remain, therefore, on the touchline. They have suddenly become useless, with their bureaucracy and their reasonable demands; yet we see them, far removed from events, attempting the crowing imposture—that of ‘speaking in the name of the silenced nation.’ As a general rule, colonialism welcomes this godsend with open arms, transforms these ‘blind mouths’ into spokesmen, and in two minutes endows them with independence, on condition that they restore order.”

We want to add to and contextualize these critiques of representation within contemporary movements. Everything in a social movement or revolutionary situation is decided on the ground, in real life. Sometimes, rigid principles (particularly those that never bend or that are decided upon a priori) get in the way of the dynamism required on the ground. In fact, the hyper-emphasis on principles within organizations is influenced by the western Judeo-Christian culture of adhering to “eternal” laws. Sometimes, a lot of organizations or vanguard parties impose principles upon individuals that prevent their own political growth or insurgent experimentation. We are not arguing that people should not engage with organizations; the point is that everyone should decide for themselves their own rules of engagement with other groups. The point of our argument against representation is to encourage non-organizational formations for liberation. Organization should never become an end in itself; it is always only ever a means because when it becomes an end, it will only exist to reproduce itself and encroach on the autonomy of others with/ for its power. We must cultivate other kinds of collective gathering points and containers (such as community assemblies, neighborhood councils, etc.) so that many people can plug in and actively participate in resistance.

In the end, Fanon’s historical analysis allows us to see beyond the ploys and schemes of representation. His lessons point towards the need for movements that must become non-organization-centric and non-representative. This can be done by working together, instead through autonomy and affinity. We must always center the most oppressed groups in society and the methods that they prefer to use for securing their liberation. The people’s unruliness and disorderly methods will always exceed the measures put forth by organizations and parties. Altogether, we must learn from the pitfalls of past revolutions that centered representation over the people.

Activism™ Must Be Abolished: Abandon Old Activist Models

This is a short guide on abandoning outdated (but popular) activist models for folks new to organizing in the Inland Empire. Take the time for this important read. It is a breakdown of what so-called “activism” is, how it stifles true community building, and what can be done in place of that model. Note that this is a critique of Activism™ as a particular brand that people take up and the dynamic it creates, and NOT criticism of organizing against oppression itself. We are all for the proliferation of autonomous activities, but not for using movement organizing for clout-chasing or celebrity culture. Abolish Activism™!


Have you ever had these fears before entering new organizing spaces?:

– Concerns about not being radical enough in others’ eyes?

– Being shut off by others, or having your ideas rejected and dismissed?

– Feeling like you constantly have to prove your self-worth and commitment?

– Fears about not having the “right” politics or the “best” analysis?

– Hyper-awareness of oneself and of others that constantly looks for errors?

You are not alone if you have ever felt these feelings and all of those feelings are valid. Not only is engaging in a new environment anxiety-inducing on its own, many of these feelings and fears come from the ways a particular model of “activism” has taken over community and organizing spaces. This model approaches organizing as though it has all the answers, which is rooted in an ideology that believes liberation can only be engaged in one particular type of way, which then invalidates all the other ways that groups and individuals engage with organizing and community-building. Much of the more popular, self-proclaimed, and highly visible “activism/ activists” model behaviors and ideas that, in reality, do more harm than good in organizing spaces, creating a model for newcomers to follow who then perpetuate that same dynamic.

We encourage folks to do the work without worrying so much about labeling themselves or their work as “activists” and “activism,” respectively. After all, whether you’re anonymous or simply unlabeled, your work will show for itself if it’s good work.

What else does the model of activism consist of?

– The activism model needs people who are deemed “activists,” and these people who call themselves “activists” usually try to set the terms and agenda for all the right and wrong ways that other people (“non-activists”) can engage with social change.

– Usually, these activists are people with a lot of social capital, visibility, and popularity, and they self-appoint themselves as representatives of a particular struggle, usually seeking to profit off of it (see: DeRay Mckesson).

– Activism then tends to consolidate itself into scenes and cliques, which are exclusive in-groups that exclude people who are deemed not “worthy” or “smart” enough to engage with the political struggle that they are trying to control.

Where does the model of activism originate from?

Fundamentally, the problem with activism (and activists) is that it tries to tell you what is right and wrong, robbing you of the ability to think and act for yourself.

Historically, activist mentality can be tied to the histories of institutional religion and its morality. The building blocks of activism can be traced to a Christian current of moralism and the way it instilled fear and hostility towards a sinful world. Through practices like confession, Christianity taught its subjects   to internalize their own sinfulness and guilt (for more on this point, check out the book titled Joyful Militancy”). Another historical building block that leads to the emergence of activist mentality is the institution of schooling. The educational system crushes the openness to new ways of doing things. For example, traditional schooling replaces curiosity with instruction, memorization, and hierarchical evaluation, so you do not get to think for yourself.

Together, morality and schooling (as well as many other social institutions) affect the way we think that organizing must be done. They impact and create the image of activism that restricts other ways of thinking and doing.

What are the problems with the model of activism?

– It puts you in a box and closes off all kinds of other potential ways of doing things.

– It becomes the only legitimate way to engage, so it becomes condescending toward new organizers who do not fit into the activists’ ideals and protocols.

– It has made toxic in-groups and out-groups, each with their own specialized languages and habits.

– It is dismissive towards non-activists and discourages autonomy.

– Its ways of doing things become very cookie-cutter and performative, with preset ideas of how to act properly at all times (as opposed to what may be needed in a particular moment or setting).

How can we move beyond the model of activism?

Ultimately, the activist mentality is full of tendencies that seek to fix, govern, discipline, and control other people. Activist practices are based on suspicion and distrust towards the capabilities of others, constantly pitting people and groups in competition with each other. Activism prevents us from thinking about our liberation in deeper ways; it entrenches us in only one way of doing things as opposed to living dynamically.

Instead of trying to control others, we should learn to remain curious and open to newness. Instead of dismissing our community members, we should embrace and work across our differences and open the possibilities of invention, experimentation, and creativity. Instead of creating a cliquey and unwelcoming social scene, we should find ways to build trust and community because liberation will always be a collective effort.

A few suggestions for organizing instead of using the activist model:

  1. Abolish that “activist” mentality. We should be centering people and communities first, not activist cliques and their desires to control others.
  2. Push for a proliferation of different kinds of activity, and not conform into just one type of activism. (Again, we are critiquing the label instead of the work.)
  3. Measure action by its local effectiveness (in terms of materially dismantling oppression), not by how it measures up to the ideals and standards of activist cliques.
  4. Proactively create warm and inviting social and community spaces so that no one feels like they are unable to contribute to the struggles for our freedom.

In conclusion… Activism must be abolished.

In Question of the “Peaceful Protest” (and in Defense of Violence)

In Question of the “Peaceful Protest” (and in Defense of “Violence”)

  1. Introduction

The latest public discourse surrounding methods of nonviolent and violent protest pits these two strategies against one another, but fails to acknowledge what each truly means. Definitions of either are non-specific and have typically led to the condemnation of violence in all its forms. In particular, rioting and looting have been denounced as methods that supposedly counteract the initial message that the “peaceful protest” hopes to accomplish. The riot is often seen as “the voice of the voiceless” and as a symptom of political injustice when in reality, the “voiceless” are consciously articulating their sentiments.

Structural change necessitates conflict: effective change is dependent on how debilitating the conflict is to the institution. When people’s peaceful protests are ineffective, people come not to expect justice from nonviolence, and rightfully so. In fact, even the success of the “peaceful protest” is dependent on the possibility of violence against the institution. Is the threat of violence not a violent act in and of itself?

2a. The Rhetoric of Nonviolence

Shon Meckfessel defines nonviolence as “a rhetorical strategy in which the very definition relies on calling violence into the speakers’ mind even as the speaker disavows it.” In other words, for nonviolence to exist effectively, violence also has to exist, even if just in theory. Nonviolence is not, however, an aversion to conflict. It is also obviously not an armed struggle. Instead, what makes nonviolence so powerful is the potentiality of violence.

Nonviolence advocates seem to confuse the dismissal of nonviolence with a commitment to direct force no matter its legitimacy, like the instilment of an illegitimate authoritarian government after a coup. The phrase “Fuck the police” has become inherently violent and has led to fear in those who oppose it, including peaceful protestors. But even if language is read as violent, does it deserve to be met with brute police force? The issue is that “violence” is harder to define than “armed.”

The term “strategic nonviolence” has been replaced by “unarmed insurrection,” but this creates a false dichotomy between “nonviolent” and “armed,” which further perpetuates a dualism and unnecessary revulsion towards “armed” conflict. People often confuse that false dichotomy of violence versus nonviolence by associating violence with revolution and nonviolence with reform when in reality, violence is congruent with action and nonviolence with inaction. The choice of violence versus nonviolence is actually a choice between action and inaction.

There is no set definition for “violence” and “nonviolence.” As mentioned before, words with no action can still be read as violent. We do, however, know that nonviolence does not mean passivity, and as such, a nonviolent protest at least demands intervention — crowd control, defusing of counter-protest, the list goes on — even if it does not demand being armed or physically violent. Violence and nonviolence are actually interdependent and can work together to achieve a set goal. If this is the case, then why do people insist on labeling protests as “peaceful” from the get-go? It’s important to look at the way language is being used in these conversations.

2b. The Function of Language in Rhetorical Strategies

The language used to describe rioting is sometimes similar to that used to describe warfare. In reality, the privilege of true “war” is given only to the elites whereas the riot is associated with the poor and otherwise powerless. If we look at labor movements in America, even these have used coercion to persuade, this being the “brawl” (another term for the riot). A cornerstone of American society has been to limit government, often by street revolt. This allows for checks and balances by the American people on their own government, simultaneously expressing people’s agency. What is this, if not the contemporary “riot and looting”?

Unfortunately, democracies have institutionalized protest and persuasion, so these methods alone — that is, without violence — may not be enough to counter the state, and this is a current dilemma being seen with the spread of “peaceful protests.” Labeling and enforcing peace at a demonstration detracts from and attempts to purify the sentiments that precede the protest itself.

The focus should be on the reason why people take action instead of how they are doing so, as this further demonizes protestors, especially Black ones. Mass media is also complicit in the perpetuation of anti-Black messaging by focusing on protest tactics instead of police tactics. All protest actions are inherently conflictual once the police arrive: the police arrive with the sole purpose of neutralizing resistance – physically, morally, and psychologically – and repressing protesters.

In the words of folks from the Youth Justice Coalition in Los Angeles: “Showing up to a conflict with the mentality that you’re labeling protesters as ‘peaceful’ totally erases the power dynamic between a militarized force and unarmed residents of color. AND even if people at protests are doing things that are deemed ‘not peaceful,’ it’s either as a response to systemic violence OR they’re police/agents themselves.”

3a. Debunking Negative Connotations of Violence

Just as anyone can participate in nonviolent strategies, the riot is easily accessible: small amounts of violence by a large group of people seems to be most effective. Obviously, it is non-white people that are most at risk of state violence following a riot, but if the program becomes focused on not risking vulnerable populations, the only answer is reform and retreat. Similar to the need for ongoing conflict, there is a need for risk in order to foster a sense of urgency. On the other hand, when there there is a total avoidance of risk, the option of nonviolence becomes condescending: nonviolence becomes a performance rather than an effective strategy.

For nonviolence to mean something, the subject must already be strong but choose nonviolence. By doing so, the subject negates the oppressor’s idea that they are weak and must choose nonviolence because of that weakness, instead displaying nonviolence as a form of self-restraint: the subject is strong enough to be violent but chooses not to. When there is no structural power to wield, adherents of nonviolence and the contemporary “peaceful protest” must hope for their oppressors’ benevolence. This is a strategy that puts these folks at the mercy of the institutions they already know lack mercy and conscience.

As has been iterated before by people such as Jackie Wang and others, the innocent versus non-innocent binary not only serves to uphold anti-Black frameworks, but also convolutes the reality of situations. The rhetoric of guilt in the context of protest situations reaffirms the anti-Black structure of policing, preemptive policing in particular. When protests affirm their alleged innocence and peace, they are in reality whitewashing themselves and attempting to render themselves legible and credible to white civil society’s psyche. In other words, the distinction between peaceful and non-peaceful protests, grounded in anti-blackness, are made for the white supremacist body-politic. The rhetoric of innocence forces protesters to label their actions in accordance to white-supremacist standards.

3b. The Validity of Rioting as an Effective Strategy

In reality, violence against state property does not equate to the presence of torture and crimes against humanity, as opposed to that caused by institutions and regimes. Armed dissent has become less popular due to the increase in surveillance brought on by the neoliberal age, but militancy has not vanished. In fact, counterhegemonic militancy is explained by describing two forms of militancy: one can be labeled “The Party” and the other, “The Riot.” The Party is a top down approach where orders come down the chain of command to execute violence, similar to the guerrilla, terrorist groups, and the like. The Riot, on the other hand, is a bottom up strategy that is spontaneous, decentralized, and does not rely on hierarchy.

An analysis of revolts throughout history shows that it is mass defiance that works rather than formal organization. Lower-class people respond to the underlying force of insurgency, not organizations; this is especially noticeable in labor strikes. Disrupting institutions means withdrawing a dependable resource – like labor – and that capacity for withdrawal becomes a natural resource. When considering contemporary examples of the political riot, we see that there is a clear connection between the initial dismissal of the public’s concerns and the ensuing property destruction. After Mike Brown was murdered by a pig in Ferguson, Missouri, there were riots and looting to demonstrate the exhaustion and pain the Black community faced; this was not their first or last time. When the grand jury refused to bring Mike’s killer to trial, the demonstrations went national; this was the reach of the initial Black Lives Matter movement. When Freddie Gray was violently killed in Baltimore, Maryland, the riots in his name were largely ignored by media and political figures until the massive burning of a CVS pharmacy during one of these riots.

Similar to the way workers withdraw labor during a “labor strike,” the withdrawal of passivity from a marginalized community is interpreted by some as a “social strike.” The more nuanced version of this, however, would understand the riot as a collective force that manifests material antagonism to police and property relations; a “social appeal” instead. Unlike a strike, the social appeal by riot is not a refusal to participate entirely but is instead a refusal to act tame by participating in a “respectable” fashion. When the public creates immediate material consequences, such as property destruction and looting, there is a subversion of power that begs the institution to follow public opinion or perish. It is not necessarily the property damage that is highlighted here, but the willingness to engage in it. The riot occurs when there are limited conditions, leading people to desperate measures. There is a sense of condescension and racism when (specifically Black) rioters are likened to mindless animals rather than humans consciously expressing grief and anger through violence.

In a similar vein, Frantz Fanon wrote: “The existence of an armed struggle shows that the people are decided to trust to violent methods only. The native of whom they have never stopped saying that the only language the native understands is that of force, decides to give utterance by force. In fact, as always, the settler has shown him the way he should take if he is to become free. The argument the native chooses has been furnished by the settler, and by an ironic turning of the tables it is the native who now affirms that the colonialist understands nothing but force. The colonial regime owes its legitimacy to force and at no time tries to hide this aspect of things.” (82-3, Wretched of the Earth)

4a. The Illusion of Property Rights as a Capitalist Tool

If violence is consistently defined as harm or threat on living beings, why do we keep having conversations likening violence to burning buildings and broken windows? This gears the conversation towards philosophy and theory, but nonetheless has material manifestations. Massino De Angelis calls this the “value struggle,” in which the antagonism that was previously hegemonically forced is made present, calling into question the values of the opposing groups. If the oppressed group does not value what is a “fact of life” for the oppressor — for example, the white oppressor’s acceptance that racism and police brutality are merely a “fact of life” versus the oppressed’s desire to subvert the system that makes this possible — then there is a value struggle.

By applying this theory to greater society, we can see that marginalized groups are rendered speechless in the face of dominant relational modes; that border line between opposing groups is the line of conflict. The value struggle only exists by questioning what was previously thought to be unquestionable. Any time dominant structures are questioned, there is a struggle of values between opposing groups.

In the “Second Treatise of Government,” philosopher John Locke – whose thoughts formed the basis for some of the United States’ most foundational values – explains that the law protects bodies and their commodities, inextricably linking people to their property. This equivalence of human rights to property rights is capitalist in nature and yet, self-proclaimed liberals’ own ideology finds this admittance too embarrassing to mention, which is why people are so quick to defend property even while acknowledging that property damage hardly subverts the institutions it symbolizes. Riots serve to illuminate this painfully embarrassing equivalence and the ensuing value struggle. The consequential denial of the capitalist superstructure is second-nature to anyone who has not yet divested from capitalist ideology.

Capitalism is deeply entrenched in the fabric of the country, but questioning and re-inventing meaning is necessary to bring change. People must have their core values challenged to then challenge the system they say needs to be changed. Post-structuralist thinkers have agreed that the “subject” and “subject position” are a socially-constructed process and position, respectively, by which an individual can speak and be understood as a speaker. The agreement that these are socially-constructed inevitably verifies that they can also be socially-challenged and thus, changed. Forming new subjects and abolishing old ones necessitates violence because none, especially those with the greatest power, will relinquish that power without violence. Frantz Fanon explains that violence on the colonizer’s body is required to disprove its inviolability; the post-colonial subject is thus borne of violation.

To defeat capitalist social structures, one must defeat what is at the heart of capitalism: the value of property over life.

4b. Property Damage: A Symbolic Liberation from Capitalism

Public non-injurious violence, such as property destruction, creates new subjects without adhering to the dehumanization that is a cornerstone of capitalism: the subject inevitably unlearns their submissiveness. Violence then becomes the integration of trauma into unity.

Property destruction is not just violence against inanimate objects; it is violence against what that property is used for, those who get to decide that, and what property represents. The verb “profane” describes the process of transforming the sacred into something mundane again, to be used by humans, and that is exactly what property destruction attempts to do: give back what rightfully belongs to the public. Property destruction targets not only the institutions that own the property, but also the relationship to property. The destruction of personal property during riots is minimal and never the goal of anticapitalist property destruction.

The way some bystanders choose to physically defend property by hurting protestors shows the way some people actively choose property over life, even when the property does not belong to them. In the United States, protestors attacking property is synonymous to them attacking the only thing this country sees as sacred, and this is why targeted property destruction is so powerful: it breaks the myth surrounding the sacredness of private property and becomes a tool for liberation.


References

This piece was inspired by Shon Meckfessel’s “Nonviolence Ain’t What it Used to Be: Unarmed Insurrection and the Rhetoric of Resistance.” You can find the full work at akpress.org.