An Open Letter on Building Safer Movement Spaces

We are writing this piece with the goal of cultivating transparency in our spaces as well as building towards the normalization of accountability, transformative justice, and security culture among our peers. Gatekeeping our comrades, our spaces, and our movements is good, actually – if it means keeping ourselves protected from abusers, grifters, and other forms of harm and co-optation. This piece was compiled and written by several collectives and individuals across the so-called Inland Empire.

In recent years, more and more comrades have been standing up against the inter-generational problems of abuse and harm within movement spaces. The visibility of such positions against patriarchal harm and intra-community violence are not new, as they have plagued social movements around the world for decades. Black queer and trans feminists have spoken up about these issues for decades now. However, these recent hot-button discussions raise the ultimate question: What do we “owe” each other as comrades? We believe that answer is reciprocity and mutual accountability to each other – and ourselves – as people in a shared, collective struggle. As comrades, we must always be receptive to feedback and constructive criticism; otherwise, we endlessly reproduce cycles of harm and violence in the same spaces that purport to cultivate liberation. This cannot be emphasized enough: the outcome of our struggles is dependent on the strength of our interpersonal dynamics and our commitment to challenging oppression at every turn. Shitty relationships will only ever (re)create shitty politics. It’s time to take seriously incidents of harm and abuse not only because our movements crucially depend on this, but because all we have is each other. We owe it to each other to be responsive in the face of harm. Rather than ignoring community incidents of harm and conflict, we want to learn from them in order to prevent burn-out and violence in our spaces. By revealing repeated behaviors and patterns across various incidents, we hope that folks will feel more able to challenge them. We will discuss recent incidents within our IE context.

Recently, some allegations against organizers Josh and Jaydee were brought to light and have sparked a lot of conversation. They were called out for stealing donations meant for “mutual aid” projects they were in charge of and using the funds to purchase things for themselves, including an apartment in Orange County. The call out also mentioned that Josh was abusive towards an ex-wife and called ICE on her. This is the list of demands created by community members who drafted the call out statement:

After the call out and demands were posted and Josh and Jaydee had seen them, the community was met with…

1. A short statement from Josh on his Instagram story (which disappeared after 24 hours and did not acknowledge specific accusations OR the demands made) and then, radio silence. This is a screenshot of Josh’s Instagram apology in response to the call out:

Not pictured is the brief statement saying that “accountability will be coming soon,” which Josh posted to his Instagram grid and later deleted entirely. No remnants of the call out or his response to it can be found on his social media, although he has resumed posting as usual.

2. A dizzying flurry of videos of Jaydee crying – literally – about personal traumas (we will not post those videos), and overall deflection of both the accusations made in the call out as well as the list of demands.

Not included in that call out are BOTH Josh and Jaydee’s white saviorism, tendency to center themselves, disregard for security culture, and general use of “activism” for clout. In fact, they have previously been called in by their peers and asked to step down from organizing due to the harm they’ve caused in these spaces. These conversations happened behind closed doors and were spread among affinity groups before the “call out.”

Multiple people have observed Josh and Jaydee posit themselves as white saviors. In fact, Jaydee’s poetry has been called to question by Black and brown organizers several times for having savior themes and she has been accused of acting like a savior in general. In fact, Jaydee inserted herself into a closed situation when members of a harm reduction group in the area created a fundraiser to help some friends that were close to the group. She contacted the group via social media asking if it was okay for her to fundraise for the situation on her own, despite her not personally knowing the folks that the fundraiser was for and barely knowing members of the group itself. After being told that it was sensitive and that they did not want people outside of it to repost, Jaydee created her own post anyway with her own commentary about the situation – which she had no knowledge about – and even included details that were incorrect. Any funds for that were never seen by the group that originally organized the fundraiser.

 

Jaydee herself has said on her personal Instagram account and to other organizers that she can’t step down from organizing because it helps her “heal others and heal herself.” In one of her many recent crying videos, she assigns herself the title of “healer” because she works with herbs, as if this must mean she’s incapable of causing harm to the people around her. In these “apology” videos, she gave examples of her organizing experience as if to prove that being an organizer means she can’t cause harm. If this were the case, then no one who’s ever done anything good can ever do anything bad, which is obviously untrue despite how often abuse sympathizers and the like use this rhetoric.

If the community you are trying so hard to “heal” is explicitly telling you that they don’t need your help and that you are actually causing more harm than good, why are you here? Jaydee has made it clear that organizing is a personal venture instead of one that prioritizes true solidarity with community members. In her videos, she made vague statements about “doing the work” to heal and hold herself accountable, but never once specified actual steps she was taking to stop harming the community, except for a mention of “shadow work,” as if personal spirituality will absolve her of the harm she caused.

Josh in particular tends to appoint himself as leader and then cause harm that he never takes accountability for. When he initially began working with Riverside Food Not Bombs over a year ago, he made social media accounts for the organization without asking for consent from the rest of the group, then essentially forced a church that he was connected to to be their distribution site, again pushing himself into a position of power. He also discussed possible illegal actions in the organization’s group chat without consent and was angered when asked not to, for the sake of security. It is interesting that he claims to be a seasoned anarchist organizer with such disregard for security culture and horizontal organization. That he jumps at any role involving power over others is not surprising now that it’s public news that he has been abusive in at least one intimate relationship. Even if we were apologists – which we aren’t – nobody can argue with the fact that Josh called ICE on a previous partner and later threatened to call ICE on her again, showing that this was not a one-time incident that he learned from.

Taking a page from the classic Abuse 101 Manual, he accused people of “canceling him” and cried about it to anyone who would hear him, as if public outcry in response to his own actions is anyone’s fault but his. He seemingly fell off the face of the earth for a week or so after he was called out, then deleted the only post he made in response to his call out and resumed business as usual. He posted something about being neurodivergent to his grid, again without ever publicly responding to the call out, seemingly to deflect from the real issue at hand which is the harm he’s caused his ex-wife and his community.

In addition to harm/abuse playbook tactics demonstrated by the two people above, there is another individual in the IE who reveals other common patterns and tactics used by people who try to dodge accountability for their actions. He was previously called in and then publicly called out for being misogynistic towards femme organizers and for being a security threat to himself and others, to no avail of course. He refused to take accountability for his actions or engage in a transformative process with any of the people he harmed or had conflict with last year, yet boldly lies about others, every situation he was involved in, and then victimizes himself.

This statement has the same effect as the state’s counter-insurgency efforts, regardless of his intention: foolishly calling for others to embrace passivity and act recklessly about state repression is literally accomplishing the same objective that the police attempt to achieve. As the article “Why Misogynists Make Great Informants” argues, aggressive patriarchs do not necessarily have to be state agents in order to destabilize movements in the same way that informants do; this person fits that profile pretty well. “Self-determination” by not doing anything to actively abolish the system and by pretending that the police don’t exist, he insists. To this day, we do not know of any individuals or groups “commanding” others into militancy within the IE. For those who lack nuance, militancy is a tactic that folks pick up out of their own accord and on their own terms; it is not imposed or pressured unto others. In fact, militancy without accountability and consensus is a liability. Militancy is also not an end in itself nor is it meant to establish hierarchies of who is “not down” and who is “more revolutionary”: it is merely a tool among many others that movements have. It could also help to clarify that “security culture” should only be understood as a dynamic set of habits that are context dependent and meant to keep us all safe by minimizing effort and paranoia, not some eternal laws or principles that have to be enforced. With all of this said, we can see how this individual intentionally deflects from their actions and misrepresents situations in order to control the narrative and play victim: classic manipulator and Abuser 101 playbook tactics that we should all recognize and stomp out.

It’s also interesting to see such admonition of militancy when just last year, this same person created a GoFundMe (the link which is no longer up) to supposedly fund military grade ballistic vests, shields, and other protective gear for IE protestors. Is that not militancy, or is it only wrongfully militant when anyone but him does it? More importantly, did the community ever see any of that money? Of course not. With the funds, he purchased a generator meant for “community use” that he very conveniently safeguards for himself. He spent last year defending Jaydee against accusations that she and Josh were suspicious and untrustworthy. Posting his full name and face to his social media as well as videos of his protest gear is the exact opposite of security culture, and what did that get him? A house visit from the feds. He removed his name and face from social media and changed his phone number in response, and yet he says that we should abandon security culture. Anonymity would have protected him from state repression had he proactively engaged with it. How can anyone be an ally to folks on the ground and still make a sweeping statement for organizers to abandon security culture?

The inaccurate suggestion that pigs are just idiots who eat donuts when they are agents of the state who literally carry out strategic, organized, state-sanctioned violence is just copaganda. This person only continues to share more false information and talks out of his ass most of the time; his attempts at detraction and belittlement of real possibilities of state repression reveal that this person does not actually stand for anything or have any actual commitment to long-term struggle. This is yet another example of “radical” liberals posing as militants when they’re nothing more than clout-chasers co-opting radical language and using “revolution” as an aesthetic. Causing harm to multiple people in organizing spaces, just to refuse efforts towards a transformative justice process, to then act high and mighty on social media while giving dangerous advice is proof of people who are simply not interested in their own accountability and continue to be harmful.

 

If the goal is to engage a transformative accountability process with any of these people, the first and most vital step is already missing: acceptance of the harm committed and self-accountability. As of today (July 2, 2021), none of the demands from Josh and Jaydee’s call out statement have been met. Not even a permanent post acknowledging the call out has been added to their personal or organizations’ social media accounts. As per usual, the deflection and silence show how often harm is dismissed, avoided, ignored, and forgotten. An apology without changed behavior means nothing, just as time passing is never acceptable reparation.

There is much literature on what transformative justice can look like and how accountability processes work, but in case this needs to be explicitly stated: People who cause harm need to rectify that harm by obliging to the demands created by victims – in this case, community members intervening to prevent further harm. Period. There is no “But I didn’t feel I was causing harm,” because what matters is that harm was caused anyway. There is no “I’ll publicly apologize but secretly keep doing the same thing.” There is no “I’ll cry on camera to center my feelings instead of the harm I caused.”

As per usual, this behavior is a consequence of co-optation. In this case, it shows the result of people learning the language of radicalism and transformative justice to then weaponize it and victimize themselves when they are the ones causing harm. The concept and language of accountability is now so far removed from the meaning and usage that originated in transformative justice work. For example, we see people say things like, “So-and-so needs to be held accountable,” when in reality, people should be saying, “So-and-so needs to hold themselves accountable.” Nobody can hold anyone else accountable, and this is why transformative justice processes fail so often: Unless the person who caused harm admits to causing the harm and willingly takes steps to rectify it, there will be no “transformation,” only a shiny veneer of “accountability” that eventually leads to the same person causing similar harm in new spaces. Transformation can only exist in people who acknowledge their harm and actively work to ensure it never happens again. There is no shortcut or magical thinking that wills someone to become different; it’s hard work that begins with the person who caused harm in the first place. Without that personal accountability and actionable steps to do better, a transformative justice process is simply not possible.

This then begs the question: “What do we do with people who won’t take accountability and work towards transforming themselves after causing harm?” From an abolitionist perspective, transformative justice is key when imagining non-carceral and non-punitive approaches to conflict and harm, but there are limitations to these approaches.

Specifically, nothing works unless a harm doer willingly engages in an accountability process; sometimes, that process includes staying away from possible victims until the harm doer can prove they are no longer a threat. Some people who still believe cancel culture exists will say that outing harm doers and removing them from spaces is punishment, but that is simply not true. If someone causes harm, is called in privately by their peers and nothing changes, is called out publicly in hope that the greater community will intervene and nothing changes, the only alternative left is removal. How is it “punishment” to out and remove a dangerous person, but their active harm against others is not? For the people comparing a harm doer’s removal from a space to incarceration, that is an entirely false equivalent for obvious reasons, the primary reason being that they are not incarcerated. They are not being “oppressed” by being asked to go back to their normal day jobs and stay away from organizing spaces. They are not being actively punished and the quality of their lives is not being jeopardized.

As a general rule, most people don’t particularly enjoy conflict: it’s embarrassing to be called in even when it’s done by trusted peers, criticism can elicit a knee-jerk defensive response, and it’s scary to feel that you are disappointing people. Although these reactions are commonplace in response to criticism, they are not conducive to healing conflict. (For the intent and purpose of this piece, conflict here refers to normal, low-level interpersonal conflict, not abuse and harm. The latter are serious and should never be minimized to “just interpersonal conflict,” and anyone who does minimize them is probably someone intent on continuing their own harmful and abusive behavior.) In personal and working relationships, it takes a lot of self-awareness and personal accountability to choose understanding others over nursing your own ego. Lashing out when a homie or your peers call you in is ultimately a response rooted in pride and ego. Thinking you are not capable of or that you are otherwise exempt from causing harm stems from the same place. Nobody is perfect, nor are they “above” any form of constructive criticism or community feedback. Liberation is about collective effort towards self-determination and not about untouchable personalities or fragile egos.

Now, imagine pride and ego mixed in with a hunger for power and control. Now you have egotistical people causing serious harm instead of just interpersonal conflict and refusing to be accountable for their actions. When people show that they care about remaining in a position of social power and coddling their bruised egos more than they care about the people they are in community with, believe their actions. Cries about “cancel culture” are really just classic Abuse 101 manipulation tactics to preserve harm doers’ reputations and public images to stay in power, meanwhile their private behaviors attest to an entirely different person. Cries of “cancel culture” also distract from the harm that was actually caused, instead switching the narrative by victimizing the harm doer in order to keep appearances. People who cause harm and then avoid accountability thrive off of being seen as the victim. These people believe that others – including the people they’ve harmedneed to be understanding of them and their personal traumas, need to coddle their ego and public image by being silent, need to allow more harm into their personal spaces. Zero accountability, zero understanding of boundaries except their own, and all the desire to center themselves in the process. Everyone in this violent, cis-heteropatriarchal, racial-colonial system has experienced some form of trauma at some point in their lives; the issue here is the manipulative weaponization of said trauma during incidents of harm or abuse. As comrades in struggle, we owe each other not just the best of ourselves, but also a shared commitment to grow and learn together instead of refusing ownership of harmful actions.

How can we build the elusive, impractical, nonexistent “leftist unity” with people who refuse to take responsibility for the impact of their actions? What are the aims and goals of building false unities with people who harm and back-stab others? Reducing these tensions to mere “interpersonal conflict” and “infighting” implies that we were all on the same side to begin with, which is not true. Reducing harm that is rooted in violent colonial systems of patriarchy to mere “beef” obscures the real issues at hand by collectively gaslighting us (by making us question ourselves whether incidents of harm and abuse really are just “beef” when they are obviously not). Having “left” tendencies does not mean everyone has the same goals, nor that we all agree on how we should achieve them. It certainly doesn’t mean we should ignore harm for the sake of our “leftist” social clubs. Welcoming harm doers and people who avoid accountability into revolutionary spaces does the literal opposite of constructing a community that doesn’t depend on police, politicians, or their shitty joint legislature; instead, it shows just how invested we still are in maintaining abusive social dynamics that inevitably recreate oppressive social structures.

Treating activism as a social scene leads to investments in pre-existing social conditions: public image and respectability, power and hierarchy, cisheteropatriarchy and whiteness. As anarchists cultivating autonomous spaces, how do we allow people – especially disruptive white people in primarily Black and brown spaces – to appoint themselves as leaders and make themselves indispensable to our movements? It’s inconsistent with horizontal organization and leaderless movements, but entirely consistent with clout chasing and hierarchy. How do we take seriously people who claim to be doing “illegal shit” for street cred while blasting their full names and faces on social media when we should be dismissing them as fed magnets? How do we trust with security the people who care more about being seen as activists instead of keeping our comrades and spaces safe?

Cult of personality activism isn’t new but is definitely on the rise with the prevalence of social media. There really is a playbook for “activist-y” types: people who put “activist” in their social media bio like it’s a profession, hobby, or identity; people who post themselves and others at actions and/ or doing illegal shit; people who tag the organizations and groups they belong to in their bios. Not only is it a gross manifestation of the need for attention and social clout, it can actually be really dangerous – real life, end your shit dangerous. It sounds dramatic, especially to people who aren’t involved in clandestine activity. Sure, perhaps tagging the nonprofit where you do above-ground work isn’t going to get you caught up, but some clout-chaser posting your mutual aid group on their bio is a potential security threat: publicly posting who you work with can alert authorities that can infiltrate the group. And no, it’s not the mutual aid initiative the feds are after, necessarily; it’s the juicy details about your comrades planning a demonstration or vandalizing property at an action. In fact, contemporary policing is now preemptive instead of just reactionary; in other words, the state has long studied autonomous movements and has begun to identify “early” signs of disorder, whether or not they are actual “threats.” For instance, police seek to crush dissent before it generalizes to the extent that pigs target mutual aid groups and other community building efforts to instill fear into growing movements. If this still sounds dramatic, we invite you to investigate past experiences to see how Black Lives Matter organizers were targeted and murdered after the Ferguson protests in 2014. In the wake of protests after George Floyd’s murder in 2020, organizers were and are still being targeted by the state. Winston Smith was just murdered by undercover cops after posting a video calling for more militant action against police violence. The Black Panther Party (and other Black liberation groups) is perhaps one of the more famous examples of infiltration leading to death and dissolution; revolutionary Black elders are still imprisoned as we speak because of this. Anyone who is seen as a threat to the state and racial capitalism is dealt with accordingly, and proof of this is sprinkled all throughout history. To not know this history is one thing, but to actively ignore and dismiss the possibility of violent repression is to put our loved ones in unnecessary danger. Our enemy is the state and although it is certainly not invincible nor should we overestimate its capabilities, we should take our cues from those with direct experience combating state repression and the collective knowledge cultivated by anti-repression efforts across Turtle Island.

Again, for the people not involved in underground organizing, security culture might not be a necessary means to achieve their goals. But to the people doing clandestine work, it can be the difference between life, death, or imprisonment. The point is that people should explore their role in social movements and engage with whatever level of activity they feel comfortable doing; for some, this means exploring militancy or riskier forms of organizing that are necessary for community liberation. Security culture was literally invented to minimize these risks and offer some form of protection; it is meant to keep you, your comrades, and entire movements safe from co-optation and dissolution. As we noted earlier, any person who shows even one sign of defiance against the system – whether that is by doing something as harmless as feeding the homeless – puts a potential target on someone’s back. Any “activist” worth their shit understands that this work comes with risk, and whether it is their own risk or not, should care to protect their peers if they’re actually an “ally” to radical work. Disregarding anonymity and security for social clout is irresponsible and selfish, and shows how just one grifter, clout-chaser, starry-eyed liberal, and the like can end individual lives, larger organizations, and entire movements. People with these tendencies need to be taken seriously as the threats they are.

Harm doers who refuse accountability need to understand that nobody owes them forgiveness, especially when the behaviors that led to a call out have not changed and will not change in the foreseeable future. Nobody should be expected to be Jesus Christ who “turned the other cheek” after getting whipped across the face. If someone unrepentantly causes harm, actively tries to hide it, and then continues to cause harm, people have every right to keep themselves and their loved ones safe by keeping far fucking away and warning others of harmful behavior. It’s not “punishment,” it’s a matter of boundaries and safety. Actions have natural consequences and harmful people are not entitled to the communities and spaces they have actively harmed. We all have the right to self-defense and safety from all those who wish us harm, whether they are state or non-state agents.

Still, there will always be people who sympathize more with harm doers than the people harmed: “But they’ve never acted that way towards me! But why couldn’t they be privately accused instead of publicly outed? But why do they need to be canceled instead of rehabilitated?” And to those people, we welcome you to take the initiative in rehabilitating people who aren’t invested in their own transformation and reject accountability entirely, since this seems to be an area of interest for you! Did this letter make you angry because it “called out” people it shouldn’t have, or because you don’t think call outs have a place in transformative justice? If you don’t want people to be “disposed of,” then you should take the initiative to head accountability processes and ensure harm doers meet the demands made and actually change. Otherwise, you’re not just a morally superior sympathizer, you’re complicit in harm as well as the perpetuation of a culture that accepts it, which is far more insidious than individual instances of harm. In this patriarchal society, r*pe culture is not just about actions committed but also – as the name implies – society-wide norms and values that enable violence and silence survivors. When people refuse to be responsible for the harm they cause, they are destined to keep doing it. There is no magical fix to harm or people who cause harm, and all of the people crying about disposability and cancel culture never even attempt transformative or restorative justice work because they have no better solutions. Siding with harm doers because you empathize more with them than the people they harm doesn’t make you more radical or more moral, it makes you complicit. We must not be innocent bystanders to incidents of harm any longer.

As a community, we need to be willing to tell unrepentant harm doers that we fucking see and remember them: even if they stop posting for a week waiting for their call out to blow over, even if they delete posts and pretend nothing happened, even if they change their scene and move to a different place, we will remember how they willfully harmed the people they were supposed to be in community with and purposefully tried to slip that harm through the cracks. Today, it will be specific people in our own communities stealing funds, posturing as saviors for Black and brown people while harming them, using organizing spaces for personal clout. But it isn’t just an individual issue or a new one: this is a playbook that happens across time and place and will continue doing so if we don’t learn to spot these patterns early and address them immediately. Organizers involved in transformative justice work have been screaming into the void about this for much longer than we have. We keep our communities safe by recognizing grifters, abusers, and manipulators and shutting down bullshit as soon as we see it. By cultivating a culture in which we prioritize the safety and security of ourselves and our comrades – be it against feds, snitches, or abusers alike – we make it less likely for our comrades to experience harm or our movements to be co-opted by walking safety/ security threats. Anything else shows that we care less about the safety of our comrades than we do about maintaining a status quo that is not designed to keep marginalized identities safe in the first place. Anything else allows rot to take root in our spaces and suffocate us the same way the state already does. If harm and unrepentant harm doers are inevitable because “we live in a society,” the very least we can do is take responsibility for our inadvertent contribution to this culture and try our best to snuff it out once and for all.

Solidarity and strength to all survivors and communities who are harmed and silenced. The axe forgets, but the tree remembers.

Anarchy in the Burbs Zine (2020)

Dear readers,

We are excited to present to the world our very first zine! But before we tell you about how this zine came about and its contents, we want to share a bit about ourselves and our aspirations for resistance in the region known as the Inland Empire.

Anarchy in the Burbs began as a project aiming to become a source of collaborative information and resources, by and for IE locals. We initially got the ball rolling with i.e.uprising as an informal news source providing information on – you guessed it – the IE uprisings. We also wanted to provide some political education from a radical, autonomous angle and encourage our community to cultivate agency over our living conditions. We seek to share knowledge and resources for people interested in building a strong base for future liberatory movements in the occupied Inland Empire region.

A call to action: The Inland Empire Will Breathe By Any Means Necessary!

Summer 2020 saw hella people from our hometowns taking the streets in opposition to the police and white supremacy. The fire and fervor also revealed that there are many people in the IE who all envision a world beyond exploitation, prisons, borders, or oppression. In recent years, our communities in the IE are starting to confront another huge problem. Poverty has plagued this region for decades and has become a direct gateway to the logistics beast that’s taken root in our community. Mega-companies such as Amazon and other logistics companies feed off of our people by taking advantage of our economic desperation and precarity. The lack of opportunity in the IE is no accident; we are only wanted as cheap, disposable labor for the wealthy’s profits. We all know that the warehouses and logistics sector have forcibly imposed themselves onto the lives of every resident of the Inland Empire, but it is much more than that: we are confronting a system that is organized in such a way that it literally deprives us of our ability to breathe clean air. We all live within this system that is designed to suffocate life, not nourish it.

Racial capitalism in the Inland Empire is suffocating us all. The encroachment of logistics development is transforming these indigenous lands into large warehouses, changing our communities into diesel death zones where residents struggle between life and death. San Bernardino County residents suffer from a range of illnesses, all of which have been linked to poor air quality caused by the warehouses and the logistics sector. Breathlessness is a fundamental feature of this white supremacist, settler-colonial system that constantly imposes harm and violence upon Black, indigenous, Latinx, and non-white communities. The Black struggle against police brutality and institutional racism has been teaching everyone about this system’s violent mechanisms, and it is summed up by the Black Lives Matter movement with one phrase: “I can’t breathe.” Racial capitalism’s link to the state continues to primarily oppress Black people, and the anti-Blackness that these systems are built on have constructed the blueprint for all other experiences of systemic suffocation, which includes the environmental racism and mass exploitation that we are experiencing in the IE.

In the face of systemic suffocation, we now have to collectively re-assess the meaning of life and move away from the violent system that continues to cause rampant death and the suffocation of our communities. We cannot wait for the good will of our leaders: why would we wait for their good will when we are running out of air to breathe? The time has come for us to become self-determining communities. We all deserve better and we must believe in our ability to reorganize our society in ways that nurture life, not suffocate it. We do not need to have all the answers right now in order to recognize the urgent importance of abolishing the existence of the warehouses and logistics sector that poison our communities. As we can clearly see, life cannot continue this way, and breathing will become impossible unless capitalism and its warehouses are abolished as a whole. Let’s navigate the unknown together and put our minds together to create a better reality than the one that has been imposed on us. As the Zapatista Army of National Liberation (Ejército Zapatista de Liberación Nacional, EZLN) movement once said, we learn by walking, and by walking we will learn.

Ultimately, we cannot be hesitant any longer: we must begin a collective departure away from this present civilization of death and its mechanisms of suffocation. Let the IE show the world that we can throw down hard. Let’s combat breathlessness with the fresh air produced by revolt. In the closeness of our bodies and minds in struggle, let us find ways to pass the air that we have left to more of our communities and to other generations. We must attack the foundations and institutions that deprive us of the sacred air we breathe and construct a new reality that does not commodify and exploit the planet and our people. We just want to breathe: this is not a demand but a threat. We will not ask for permission anymore. We will breathe by any means necessary.

Let’s hit the streets now: How this zine came about

In the wake of the George Floyd uprisings as well as movement organizing in the time of COVID-19, we tried to consolidate useful, consumable information for the IE locals who were beginning to take the streets and organize for the first time in their lives. We centralized information for actions until street demos died down, at which point we decided to focus on providing an informal and introductory political education. We broke down what we felt were useful organizing concepts and theory as well as addressed common questions and concerns in an effort to welcome folks new to this scene, analyzing with an IE lens so that anybody could use these findings in a local (or similar) setting when the time comes. Simply: there isn’t enough writing on suburban-based and small city autonomous organizing (especially for new folks coming into it), so we tried to remedy that.

Of course, for COVID and non-COVID reasons, there were limits to organizing (especially social media organizing), but the webpages have been a starting point for many faceless readers as well as for the working relationships we’ve made since then. Although organizing in the IE has obviously existed prior to summer 2020, there was a palpable invigoration of interest and mutual aid following the uprisings in memory of George Floyd, and we’re grateful for the projects and communities borne of or multiplied by it. Our contribution is small but hopefully significant to somebody, and so we’ve compiled this zine in memory of the wildfire George Floyd produced and the ensuing history made in the Inland Empire. We hope that the lessons and advice offered in this zine can help push movement organizing in the IE to new, unseen levels in the future.

Get up to speed: What you will find in this zine

A lot of our thought processes and writing interventions center around addressing common obstacles that get in the way of increasing our autonomous capabilities. Our writings address these issues by attempting to unpack – and thus, remove – those obstacles that get in the way of increasing our collective power, removing them one by one. Below is an outline of some of the information we have compiled, practical advice, and critiques of common organizing logics that we felt were important to address and unpack. We hope that y’all find some of these arguments relevant and timely, and that they lend to making our movements stronger. We hope that you can share this zine and discuss it together in community, only by collectively discussing and seeing each other will we figure out the ways to set our communities free at last.

I. Info Hub
An informal directory of Inland Empire projects and groups that readers can plug into. This section also contains further readings and resources on abolition and autonomy.

II. Know-How
Some brief resources and guides on essential skills, from the digital to the streets to general survival.

III. Practice
Introductory (but crucial) concepts and practical information for folks interested in autonomous organizing.

IV. Critique
Various critiques of common obstacles seen in left organizing spaces, including criticisms of 1. rigid ideology and political labeling, 2. symbolic protest, 3. representation, 4. non-violence, and 5. electoral politics.

A Reportback from Anarchy in the Burbs: The Spirit of Rebellion Takes the Streets of the California Inland Empire

The rebellions have arrived in the occupied Native lands now known as the Inland Empire, a largely forgotten region that encompasses San Bernardino and Riverside counties in Southern California. This text is a report-back from autonomous individuals who were on the ground during summer 2020. This report-back remained in our drafts since June 2020, and so it is a combination of our initial reactions to the uprisings, as well as our reflections on the mobilizations (as we complete this writing in January 2021).

 

Reports of manifestations had been found in almost all cities of the region, a phenomenon without precedent in this area’s history. Documentation of demonstrations in the IE occurred in the following places: San Bernardino, Rancho Cucamonga, Fontana, Rialto, Yucaipa, Redlands, Riverside, Moreno Valley, Highland, Upland, Chino, Chino Hills, Montclair, and others.

The legibility of these manifestations had yet to become clear to both people within and outside of the Inland Empire. For many, this was the first time they had taken the streets. Some of us had yet to find the language to describe the days and nights of uprisings in the IE as we processed our experiences, feelings, and thoughts. For those of us that joyfully participated in the uprisings, common feelings and affinities had become clear between strangers in the streets. Drawn together by a passion for Black liberation and abolition, new communities were taking hold in the Inland Empire.

Even so, we want to push back on the tendency to come up with some grand narrative or final word on the events of summer 2020, with respect to the IE. We tell only one story — among many others’ stories — and do not believe ours is the most “legitimate” narrative or assessment of the uprisings. It is a white supremacist, colonial tendency to cut up historical moments into objective “periods” or to pretend to provide the “official account” without paying attention to power dynamics or erasure. We tell only a partial, unfinished story of the revolutionary possibilities of the place known as the Inland Empire, and hope that you find some of what we have to share as inspiring as we feel about it.

Setting the Stage: On the Significance of the IE Uprisings

Speaking truthfully, some of us thought that the scale of IE mobilizations during summer 2020 would take years of work on the ground to cultivate. Instead, it began to organically self-organize almost overnight, beginning in the last days of May. We are not arguing that there was no “leftist” activity or base-building occurring before June 2020, but a considerable amount of autonomous activity began to sprout in unforeseen, visible ways. We are also not arguing that we should always depend on spontaneous self-organization, mostly because spontaneity “versus” organization is a false dichotomy. We are merely pointing out that living conditions are fucked up out here: there is a considerable weight of oppression on the lives of people in the IE, and we have all had enough of living in complacent silence.

Inland Empire residents live with the burden of unique problems, such as the emergence of the racial-logistics sector and its ensuing warehouse gentrification, among many other issues. With a working-class burdened by debt, the high costs of living, low-paid labor, and racist state violence, the boiling point has arrived and we aren’t taking this system’s shit anymore. The more fucked over that people are, the more we will be seeing of emergent, rebellious self-activity against this shitty system. In our opinion, the Inland Empire is one of the most strategic areas for resistance against racial capitalism because of the system’s hyper-dependence on this region for cheap labor and the movement of goods to the rest of the country. Our resistance has and will look like hundreds of burnt down warehouses (such as the one from Redlands, June 2020) and the proliferation of hundreds of gardens from the ashes.

The uprisings in the California Inland Empire were connected to the greater national upheavals that occurred in the wake of George Floyd’s murder. We will say, however, that in most cases, there were no riots or large-scale revolts in our region. Nevertheless, we want to propose that insurrection did in fact occur in the IE, although it is not the mainstream image of an “insurrection” that most people are familiar with. What took place in the IE after the initial George Floyd demonstrations was the eruption of unprecedented activity, abolitionist initiatives, autonomous direct actions, and newly cultivated affinities. We want to counter the grain of mobilization culture by expanding the notion of the insurrection: imagining insurrection as the event that catalyzes routine proliferation of new affinities and projects that are able to then create the wide-scale movement base from which future uprisings can form from.

The manifestation of anarchy from the (predominantly working-class and BIPOC) suburbs is dynamically different from the mainstream image of anarchy that many are acquainted with. Anarchic activity in the Inland Empire must grapple with unique formations of oppression, such as warehouse gentrification, alienation and individualism in working class suburbs, the hyper-invisibility of the racist state and patriarchal violence, and so on. Modern day revolt in the belly of empire, then, has been taking place in unpredictable places, such as here in the IE. The explosion of affinities that emerged from the 2020 protests are what we understand as the true nature of our insurrectional summer. What we took away from the 2020 uprisings is that relationship-building might be a key point of emphasis for abolitionist, autonomous movements, with a particular focus on having the capacity to move in coalition and handle conflicts. If affinity is the glue to any insurrection, then we are well on our way as people in the IE continue to find each other and build connections in the community. We must nourish emergent communities and the feeling of co-ownership in the formation of our power so that everyone can participate and stoke the flames with us. Building in the community now can serve as the catalyst for the future insurrections to come in the IE.

Situating the Uprisings: On the Importance of Centering the IE’s Ungovernability

The uprisings in 2020 have shown social movements the importance of learning from the antagonistic methods created and cultivated from revolts in overlooked and forgotten regions. In particular, organizers could benefit from learning about the methods of self-organization and self-activity initiated by working-class/ proletarian BIPOC predominant communities, especially from areas in the outskirts that rarely ever make it onto the map of visible resistance in the US. When we shift our attention to the creative modes of resistance and militancy in these overlooked communities, our tactical and strategic repertoire will continue to grow and expand our collective ability to foment revolutionary situations. As we saw in the Inland Empire, all of the established leftists and non-profits were left in the dust as primarily Black and Latinx insurgents took the streets. While the old Left is caught up in attempts to hold officials accountable, spending energy on social democratic laws, and wasting their time with petitions, IE proletarians led the insurrectionary initiative. The insights from comrades Shemon and Arturo on the 2020 uprisings also ring true for our context:

“In the United States, black proletarians are constantly refining and sharpening forms, tactics, and strategies of struggle… The fact of the matter is that leftist organizations are simply not prepared to deal with the illegal nature of the revolutionary struggles and politics that are taking place in the present moment. The black proletariat continues to show a practical commitment to fighting the police, setting fire to carceral infrastructure, and looting the commodities of this dying capitalist system.”

We can learn a lot from BIPOC-centered struggles emerging from otherwise overlooked non-urban places:

“Organizational, tactical, and strategic clarity is emerging for the first time since the 1960s, but it is not coming from the left – it is coming from the practical initiatives and strategies of the black proletariat. Leftists [and Marxists] run their mouths about organizational questions in abstract and antiquated terms, regurgitating a played out formula modeled on Russia or China that has been repeated ad nauseam for many decades now, but which has produced little more than sects and cults. They ignore the concrete forms of revolutionary organization that are already taking place in the uprising.”

Shemon and Arturo elaborate further on the significance of this autonomous BIPOC self-activity in the United States context:

“Revolutionary organizations are not built in the abstract, but are expressions of the real tactical and strategic challenges raised by the proletariat in the class struggle. The fundamental organizational question that revolutionaries face is how to contribute and relate to the uprising, specifically in terms of street fighting, looting, and other riot tactics. Those who are truly committed to revolution will have to push past the stale organizational forms of the past and begin to account for the diverse, illegal, and creative organizational forms that the black proletariat is developing in the present, the use of cars being one of the most innovative and effective tools in this emerging tactical repertoire.”

By shifting our attention to creative modes of resistance and militancy within new sites of struggle, we can see new horizons and points of intervention that radicals and communities can begin to tap into. For example, a common tactical innovation that sprung up from uprisings in the outskirts – and that we also observed in the IE – is the strategic use of cars in reclaiming space and the streets. In Shemon and Arturo’s words:

“What we see from Ferguson to Philadelphia is the growing use of the car as a weapon of mass struggle. In Ferguson cars were used for defensive purposes, while in Chicago, Louisville, Philadelphia and elsewhere cars were used for offensive purposes: for looting, for attacking police, and for spreading the geography of the uprising. We should expect cars to continue to play an important role as riots continue to unfold and the uprising potentially mutates into other forms of mass struggle: blockades, strikes, and occupations. Undoubtedly, the state will respond with new forms of surveillance and repression, but how it will do that is unclear. In the meantime, black proletarians will probably take advantage of the state’s lack of capacity to deal with widespread car-looting.”

By honing in on new forms of self-organization from places such as the IE, we can better strategize ways to fuel the fires next time.

Notes on Insurrectional Possibilities in the IE

What follows is a loose collection of our experiences and observations in a few of the many uprisings that have occurred since late May. In sum, the conditions in the Inland Empire allow for the emergence of extremely effective autonomous movements, but the lack of experience, infrastructure, and its overall nascent organizing are currently hurdles that hold back autonomous potential and must be intentionally overcome. The following are our preliminary notes on the IE uprisings.

The invisibility of state, economic, and police violence in the Inland Empire:

  • The IE leads in cases of police violence statistics for the state of California, yet police violence in the IE is not really discussed or documented.
  • The staggering poverty rates and forms of exploitation in the IE are almost unheard of, especially given the high relevance of warehouse and logistics sector labor in this region.
  • The IE is on average predominantly BIPOC, working-class, first and second generation, and younger. The millennial discontent and frustration are especially prevalent here with the suburban structure of the area and enclosure, creating conditions for a potentially unruly and fed-up population of young people.

The character of the police in the IE uprisings:

  • San Bernardino police was almost nonexistent vs Fontana or Riverside Police.
  • The magnitude of police presence and force was contingent on the size of the city budget.
  • Helicopter and other aerial surveillance were greatly prevalent.
  • Police encouraged white supremacist vigilantism in predominantly white places like Yucaipa and Redlands.
  • It’s clear that in places like San Bernardino, the police force has never seen these types of gatherings before. How could this inexperience possibly affect future protests? What about in cities with more seasoned officers, like Riverside?

The presence of white supremacists at protests:

  • Guns were pulled out in Upland.
  • Man threatened to run protestors over in Redlands.
  • Trump supporters and white supremacist vigilantes brutally attacked outnumbered protestors in Yucaipa.
  • Violent men in Highland aggressively tore down Black Lives Matter banners and posters in front of protesters.
  • (CW: anti-Black violence/ lynching) A young Black male was hung from a tree in Victorville and although the perpetrators have not been caught, there was speculation that supremacists might have done this. Assumptions stem from the high number of white supremacists and conservatives living in areas bordering outer regions of the Inland Empire, such as the High Desert where this took place.

Unique sightings and tactics discovered at the uprisings:

  • In the initial days following the Minneapolis uprising in late May, spontaneous actions emerged in places like Fontana and Rancho Cucamonga, which have never experienced protests before.
  • Most of these initial uprisings were youth-led and composed mostly of hood Black and brown youth/ young adults.
  • There were hella smaller scale marches coordinated and organized by local high schoolers and youth.
  • As the weeks passed, a few reformist/ liberal minded protesters tried to monopolize the momentum, with varying results across cities and contexts. For the most part, none of these self-appointed leaders co-opted most of the power.
  • Actions were still relatively autonomous and self-organized, and as time had passed, the momentum had surprisingly not ended just yet (as of June 20th, 2020).
  • The lack of non-profit and leftist specialists truly created a unique protest context.
  • Lack of leadership/ organization is both good and bad: the movement is harder to contain when there are no organizations or leaders as the “face” of it, but there is also a lot of inexperience in the streets and a vacuum in the organizing scene that can be filled with anything (another double-edged sword).
  • Car caravans in San Bernardino followed the demonstration in support and also served as a barrier between cop cruisers and protestors.
  • Respectability for protestors in the San Bernardino area: There was a big concern with being perceived as “ghetto” and a strong attempt to prove wrong the classist (and racist) stereotypes of the Inland Empire. People here are very conscious that we already have very little resources, leading to folks guilting rioters and looters with calls for respectability and “morality.”

We want to end off on a few words by James Baldwin from “The Fire Next Time”:

“Neither civilized reason nor Christian love would cause any of those people to treat you as they presumably wanted to be treated; only the fear of your power to retaliate would cause them to do that, or seem to do it, which was (and is) good enough.”

See y’all in the streets again next time.

 

Moving at the Speed of Trust: Autonomous Community Agreements

We all want to live lives outside of the hardships imposed upon us by oppressive, violent systems of power. However, as we seek to break away from these violent systems, we must be careful in not reproducing the dynamics of systems of power — such as those of patriarchy, ableism, and so on — within the spaces we navigate and the new realities that we create. In order to do so, we must pay attention to the means that we use in our abolitionist movements and not just towards to goals we aspire to.

What we propose is that, as we build our power and capacities to liberate ourselves, we must move at the speed of trust; what this means is that our movements are only as strong as the relationships that constitute them. We cannot assume that individuals are immediately trustworthy when they claim to be against the police, capitalism and so on, if they replicate oppressive behaviors. In addition, working in coalition or with other organizations must also move at the speed of trust: we cannot know every detail of the internal politics or agendas of other groups or organizations, so we must coordinate together on the basis of autonomous community agreements. By assembling and linking up together in community, we can actively achieve specific goals through temporary formations that emphasize material concerns and affinity, instead of abstraction and ideology.

The practice of autonomous community agreements must not be confused with points of unity, party line, or political program. Community agreements are a contextual, flexible, and “formal” informality of practices that individuals and groups consent to in their collective organizing, with special care for process and means. We must embody today the new realities that we aspire to and wish to see actualized. What we have here is a rough set of boundaries and agreements that others can model off of. They are not rules nor are they principles; they are meant to be community truths and modes of conduct that are never to be set in stone or policed. They can be subject to change given the dynamic situations and community needs that folks can face at any given time. Those who cannot abide by the agreements must create their own spaces on their own preferred terms. Ideally, there should not be harm nor personal beef that stems from this because of reference to the dynamic collection of agreements. Conflict can be generative and can help proliferate multiplicity and autonomy when certain alliances are no longer useful. Autonomous community agreements are meant to facilitate the growth of power and groups that can eventually create self-determining communities that move at their own terms and set their own priorities in their fight for self-liberation. In the end, proactive trust and attunement to each other’s needs and conflicts is the foundation for autonomy and abolitionist praxis.


Loose Blueprints for and Example of Autonomous Community Agreements in action:

  1. First and foremost, we acknowledge that we are on occupied native lands and must keep that in mind in all of our organizing. – We could inadvertently recreate settler-colonialism in our organizing if we don’t prioritize native people’s plight and acknowledge that this land is stolen in the first place. For example, autonomous land projects — such as the purchase of land to build a commune — must be considered through this lens to prevent said projects from recreating colonialism. This can happen when we continue to ignore native people’s ancestral ties to the land being “purchased” and reinstate smaller scale settler-colonial relationships to land and natives.
  2. This space is run horizontally, meaning that: everyone will have a voice at the table, there is no one single leader or shot caller, we proactively delegate tasks and rotate roles, and we ask for each person to actively contribute to the best of their ability and capacity. – Vertical or top-down organizing means that orders come from the person in charge and trickle down to bottom ranks; this happens in any group or organization with a hierarchical leadership structure, such as CEO to manager or manager to laborer. Instead of enforcing hierarchical relationships, horizontal organizing is a practical way to encourage autonomy and self-representation in our spaces. Furthermore, it’s safer to be a leaderless organization or group because you can be incognito from and untraceable to the state and state collaborators.
  3. This is a space that is actively building power outside of the state and its institutions: if you are a fed, cop, snitch, abuser/abuse apologist, non-profit, mainstream media, or state collaborator (i.e. reformist or politician) you will be asked to immediately leave the space. – The purpose of autonomous organizing is to build power beyond the state, its institutions, and its style of relationships. To do that, we must push back against and remove those who collude with the state directly and indirectly. This includes removing literal agents of the state (feds and cops), state collaborators (snitches, mainstream media outlets, and reformists/ politicians), and those who recreate oppressive interpersonal behavior (abusers/ apologists, nonprofits, and reformists). There is no way to work with these kinds of people without risking state repression or liberalization of our movements and spaces, and attempting to change their minds is a waste of resources.
  4. This is an autonomous space, meaning that we are trying to empower ourselves and our communities to liberate themselves: this is not a space for recruiting, centering ideological debates, or for cliquey behaviors. We should not be concerned about trying to persuade people to follow one ideology over another or argue with each other: we are more concerned about working towards a material change in our lives, not necessarily in abstract ideas. – In continuation to the above point, we should be cognizant of our limited resources and energy. If we focus on working together to create material changes in our communities, we will naturally be less concerned with people’s exact placement on the political compass and why ours is “better,” recruiting people for some other organization or event, canceling and shunning people who haven’t exhibited harmful behavior just because we don’t “like” them, and other inane issues that just waste time, take up space, and create further unnecessary divisions.
  5. Please respect the privacy and security of others in the space: what is said in Vegas stays in Vegas, and do not record participants of this space without their consent. – For the sake of security culture, it is imperative to make sure the information said in any anti-state organizing space stays within that space and the folks in communion. Otherwise, sensitive and even incriminating information can fall into the wrong ears. Dry-snitching is also a very real threat, and a recording of people at a secret meeting or even at a protest can help the feds build a case against someone. Don’t be that person who accidentally collaborates with the state.
  6. As we continue to work in community together, we do not want to reproduce cycles of harm to ourselves or each other while building power. No anti-Blackness/transphobia/queerphobia/sexism/classism/racism/fatphobia/ableism/will ever be tolerated in the space. – Similar to other points regarding the need to build power outside of hierarchical, colonial, and state relations/ institutions, we need to also make it a priority to prevent all oppressive and harmful behavior in our interpersonal relationships. If we are to be intentional about our liberation, we must treat one another with respect and be mindful of the way we may recreate harmful dynamics in our personal spaces. After all, the micro scale is just a reflection of what already exists at a macro scale, meaning that the way we socialize at a small, personal level will be influenced by the systems and dynamics at play in greater society.
  7. Although this is a BIPOC-centered space, we still have to acknowledge the privileges between certain identities and proactively work to center the most oppressed voices, such as Black, indigenous, and trans voices. – Just because we work together does not mean everyone has the same experiences, and we shouldn’t reduce people’s identities and experiences to such just because they are BIPOC. In fact, it’s damaging to treat all BIPOC as static or identical because that can recreate harmful dynamics and ignore important intersections within already marginalized identities. It’s important to listen to the most affected voices and center them when organizing.
  8. On Democrats and Liberals: Being a democrat is not radical since liberals play respectability politics and prioritize capitalism over BIPOC communities. Any person that comes to the space with these kinds of views will be removed. – It’s a waste of time and energy to argue with Democrats and liberals, and people with shared values should be prioritized for the sake of conserving resources and maintaining the integrity of our spaces. Point 3 stated that collaborating with reformists posed a risk by liberalizing our goals and our spaces; working with Democrats and liberals functions similarly. Ultimately, although many “nice” people may be Democrats or self-proclaimed liberals, they are ultimately moderates who in reality, seek to reform instead of radicalize the world. The DSA and nonprofits already exist.
  9. We all agree to keep these agreements open to adding and editing as we continue to share space. – In the spirit of horizontal organizing and collaboration, it’s necessary to listen to our comrades’ input when making decisions and setting agreements to make sure that we aren’t merely imposing our will against others’. Similarly, people and life itself are fluid, and the adaptability of our community agreements should reflect that.

Security Culture

The central principle of all security culture— the point that cannot be emphasized enough— is that other people do not need to know sensitive information that they do not need to know. Don’t get too distracted worrying about whether people are infiltrators or not; if your security measures are effective, it shouldn’t even matter. Don’t ask others to share confidential information you don’t need to know. Don’t brag about illegal things you or others have done, or mention things that are going to happen or might happen, or even refer to another person’s interest in being involved in such activities. You can say no at any time to anyone about anything. Don’t ever turn your friends over to your enemies– never snitch! Don’t make it too easy for your enemies to figure out what you’re up to. Develop methods to establish the security level of a group or situation. Be aware of the reliability of those around you, especially those with whom you might collaborate in underground activities. Security culture is not institutionalized paranoia, but a way to avoid unhealthy paranoia by minimizing risks ahead of time. Security culture involves a code of silence, but it is not a code of voiceless-ness. Balance the need to escape detection by your enemies against the need to be accessible to potential friends. When you’re planning an action, begin by establishing the security level appropriate to it, and act accordingly from there on.

Treat your technology like an eavesdropping stranger. If you wouldn’t discuss it in front of a stranger, don’t talk about it online, on your phone, or better yet, at all. How we show up in the fight to abolish the current world isn’t for clout or social media likes anyway. In some cases, private or crucial information must be communicated by technological means, but always remember there are risks and this should only ever occur between trusted individuals. Talk to your homies and your family members to create a culture of awareness, so everyone knows their rights if the feds or the pigs knock on someone’s door. When you go to the protest, what are you wearing that might be traceable back to you? Are your tattoos showing? What alias will you use so people aren’t shouting your name for all to hear? What agreements have you made with people around you so that they do not accidentally dry snitch? Protecting ourselves is also protecting our loved ones and our comrades.

Other things to keep in mind for movement defense—

Mobilize legal support, raise money for bail funds and lawyers, track people’s cases through the court system, attend court support where possible, publicize cases as appropriate.

Offer protection and support for those who are targeted by the state.

Do not open the door if agents are at your door, you are not legally obligated to.

Do not spread rumors or conspiracies, do not act when given very little information.

If the feds visit your door, ask for their card and they should go away. Immediately notify your community and networks of what you said/what was asked of you verbatim.

Do not cooperate with grand juries, organize non-cooperation materially with networks.

Towards Communism and Anarchy in Rockford: A Historical Analysis from 2011 to 2020 of Revolutionary Movements in Rockford, Illinois

Written by The Lewis Lemon Committee for Revolutionary Abolition

The past year has been one of the most explosive in history. For Rockford anarchists and revolutionaries (old and new), we were amazed and overwhelmed by the militancy, mass participation and energy over the past year. A group of comrades wrote this analysis about 2020 and the revolutionary movements in Rockford over the last decade as a whole. Our analysis is not focused entirely on the uprising as in previous pieces written such as Notes from the Rockford Rebellion as we felt there were other important developments within the radical milieu over the course of 2020 in Rockford that were not tied directly to the uprising. By revolutionary, we mean that we want to see an end to racial capitalism and the State. We want an end to this anti-black settler-colonial world. We want to abolish the present state of things. We want communism and anarchy. Communism for us means a set of social relations where we are free and without needless hierarchy. We want a free and classless way of life. That is our goal. The revolutionary movements in Rockford we discuss in this text helped to develop strategies towards communism.

Rockford is a small city with an nascent left let alone anarchist or revolutionary milieu. We find these analyses are helpful for us to develop better strategies to fight back against racial capitalism and the State. The document is a product of conversations and collaboration between a variety of revolutionaries in Rockford. Small cities are not typically the focus of revolutionary analyses and strategy. We were inspired by previous things written in 2020 about Rockford movement, so a group of us who have been struggling together decided to create this text. Creating a regional analysis inspired by communism-anarchism and a variety of autonomous revolutionary traditions (such as Zapatismo or Black Radical Feminism) is important to us as it helps grounds our politics in the material and strategic reality of our area. The text also allows a better entry into our politics, as many new militants are not currently politicized here with a theoretical orientation. This document is meant to provide history, analysis, and suggestions about revolutionary practice and strategy in our area.

History 

The history in Rockford is critical to relay so people who have entered the movement during 2020 can understand the contexts that revolutionaries have been struggling in over the past ten years.

The primary struggles in Rockford that have generated the most popular support in the community over the past ten years have been the mass struggles against the police and economic inequality. We chose these struggles as they show the central intersection of racial domination and class exploitation in Rockford and how radical movements have failed to grapple with these contradictions. While there have been moments of mobilization against racism and police brutality over the past ten years, they lacked an emphasis on class analysis as it relates to racialization. While at the same time, the seemingly class conscious Occupy protests were reductionist in how they approached the intersections of domination. Furthermore, movement participants struggled to develop a clear analysis of the role of the State within racial capitalism. All of this was compounded by the lack of strong radical organizations, affinity and collectives.

We feel that the protests around socio-economic inequality were most active during the Occupy Rockford movement. The importance of the Occupy movement was the focus on the capitalist and financial classes’ exploitation and the class system within our society. Additionally, the Occupy movement emphasizes how the political system was thoroughly controlled by capitalists. While we find that class analysis is essential for developing any revolutionary movement, black participants within the Occupy Rockford movement were often marginalized by the white participants through microaggressions and acts of outright racism. Furthermore, most of the Occupy Rockford participants were class reductionists. Much of the Occupy movement’s time in Rockford was spent trying to engage with the Tea Party.  The Tea Party was a reactionary formation within the Republican Party that was active at the time. These Tea Party activists have subsequently transformed into the fascist street movement which stormed the capitol on January 6th. It is critical that we smash fascism in the streets rather than tolerating it. In many Occupy camps across the country, fascist participants were chased out rather than tolerated. However, this did not happen in Rockford as some Occupiers spent time trying to engage with the Tea Party members. Most of the Occupiers went on to burn out or organize within the Democratic Party for personal career opportunities. Additionally, much of the Occupy energy from the liberal wing predictably went into local “progressive campaigns” as well as the Sanders campaigns in 2016 and 2020 which served to undermine the few efforts at autonomous political action.

The anarchist and autonomous political roots of the Occupy movement were for the most part marginalized because there was no camp or assemblies. There was a division between the liberal wing of the Occupy Movement who essentially wanted to be the Left wing of the local Democrats (this faction eventually lead the Sanders campaign in 2016 but has remained marginal mostly in terms of political influence locally) which contrasted with the more anarchist wing of the Occupy Rockford movement which was based mostly in the punk house “Disastr House” on the West Side. Although punk can be a way to introduce anarchist politics, it cannot be the basis of an anarchist political movement.  In many ways, the anarchists of Disastr House were not taken seriously as a result of the association of anarchism with the subcultural punk movement. This differed from Occupy movements across the country which had anarchist politics that were grounded in historical traditions of class struggle and in some cases anti-racism and abolition. The electoral opportunism and subcultural politics are part of the reason that autonomous movements in Rockford have struggled to develop. Despite this, many militants taking part in contemporary struggles were politicized through their interactions with social democratic wing of the Occupy movement as well as the anarchist wing.

The movement against the police in Rockford emerges after the murder of Mark Barmore in 2009 at the Kingdom Authority Baptist church. The potential for rebellion was stifled by Jesse Jackson and the local Black counter insurgency. In the following years, there were more murders of black people by the police and private security which lead to a variety of protests which remained relatively peaceful compared to the rebellion we saw this summer in Rockford. In many ways, these protests were moderated by the white and black liberals who worked closely with the Rockford Police Department. The few attempts at black autonomous organization were often stifled through threats and repression.  It was very easy for the black middle class such as the NAACP to opportunistically use the deaths of black people in the community at the hands of the police to boost their own political careers in the city. Black middle class opportunists obscured their own roles in maintaining the power of the police which so it was difficult to build a movement that was resilient to back electoral and middle class opportunists. This is why we believe that class analysis is so critically important. Male pastors tended to dominate the leadership which marginalized the leadership and agency of black women as movement participants. In terms of the Occupy Rockford, the more liberal wing did not want to have anything to do with black organizing efforts against the police (as they felt it took away from their message) while the anarchist wing based out of Disastr House was labeled by the black counter-insurgency as “troublemakers”.  An alliance between anarchists and black radicals against the police (as it has developed in some cities) could have lead to a more militant and mass based movement but that did not happen. This was a missed opportunity which can be attributed partially to the subcultural politics of the mostly punk-based anarchist movement which tends not to be concerned a larger political strategy against racial capitalism.

One of the major failures over the past ten years within the Rockford movement has been to establish long lasting radical organizations, collectives and affinity groups that could organize with a radical political strategy in mind. To a large degree, this has to do with the lack of political education internal to the radical environment which led participants to not recognize why building long term radical formations was critical. This lack of radical organizations in Rockford led to a mostly informal mobilization-based culture driven by a few charismatic individuals rather than long-term movement building. The few organizations that did emerge were plagued with informal hierarchies and oppressive dynamics, such as anti-blackness and transphobia, that remained unaddressed until it led to these organizations fracturing. Many of us failed to create solid internal organizational structures for these groups which lead to a lack of accountability. Within these radical spaces, certain white petty-bourgeois people prioritized their own careers and academia ahead of movement building and direct confrontation with the State. The dominance of these petit-bourgeois attitudes created an opposition to militant direct action which ultimately hindered the building of robust movements in the city. Instead, much of the energy was funneled into “dual power” and solidarity economy projects. However, these projects were plagued by a lack of connection to mass movements against local class enemies such capitalists, landlords and police. The lack of a connection to struggle against the State and Capital by radicals is a major reason that the radical scene has remained mostly marginal and small. Instead of supporting and catalyzing mass movements in the city, the lack of an effective strategy meant that the radical spaces remained a social scene for the most part.

In general, there has been a lot of pessimism amongst Rockford revolutionaries towards movement building over the past ten years. This led to a lot of resentment, distrust, and anger within radical circles. The attitude within Rockford radical spaces was often that “radical organizing is happening elsewhere”. The immense task of building the radical infrastructure in Rockford to many seemed an impossible task. Often times instead of trying to organize events in Rockford, people would go to larger cities. In fact, many people left Rockford to organize in Chicago and other major cities who had already developed infrastructure. These attitudes are counter-revolutionary and idealistic. There cannot be a commune realistically in the Midwest without connections between major metropolitan areas, small cities like Rockford, and the rural areas that surround small cities. Autonomy, in a way that is meaningful, will mean massive regional networks around food and production. The pessimistic attitudes towards possibilities of radical organizing in Rockford led to the weakness of the relationships formed between revolutionaries as well as our relationships with the communities we exist within. Many revolutionaries, with self-proclaimed radical orientation saw compromising and working with Democrats as a good strategy because “radical organizing couldn’t happen in Rockford”. It was there hope that by doing this they would not “alienate” anyone. People were content to hope that Bernie or some politician would win then fix it rather than taking action against oppressive forces ourselves. The electoral strategy is opposed to building radical cultures and communities outside of those already state-approved channels. Instead, we must focus our energy on building strong, militant, and resilient autonomous movements in our city against racial capitalism.

Strengths, Highpoints and Accomplishments

We want to highlight a number of things since there were many victories worth celebrating in 2020. First, the most amazing thing that happened over the course of 2020 was the heightened intensity of direct action. The scale and militancy of the rebellion on the weekend of May 30th was something unseen in recent Rockford history. During that weekend of revolt nationwide, Rockford (mostly black and brown youth) took to the streets. They fought police, vandalized District 1, damaged police vehicles, and expropriated goods across the city. This sudden revolutionary fervor was an inspiration to many revolutionaries here though we felt unprepared for the scale and intensity as we had never seen anything like that in Rockford before. For many comrades that was the highlight of the past year. We want to be clear however that although many of the marches and protests after the rebellion were symbolic, movement participants had a new understanding of what direct action is. Numerous actions disrupted the flow of capital, attacked State institutions, contested the monopoly on violence the Rockford police enjoy, and scared politicians out of their homes. Finally our comrades felt that the May Day demonstration prior to the rebellion, where families of prisoners inside of Winnebago County Jail drove their cars around outside of the jail to protest conditions was really powerful and very different tactically than anything we had seen in Rockford up to this point.

Following the #TyrisJones shooting, demonstrations resumed during which militants threw fireworks at the jail, graffitied state property and blocked roads with barricades. The use of car tactics in the massive demonstrations, following May 30th, to shut down large city streets such as East State and Forest City Plaza was another exciting development locally in terms of tactics. Although we have critiques of the City Market demonstrations, we found that the first protests that disrupted City Market, a key site of gentrification in downtown Rockford, was a valuable tactic as it directly targeted capital and whiteness. For many long time Rockford organizers, disrupting City Market had been a goal and we were happy to the spell of “development” broken. One comrade has remarked that simply the number of non-permitted autonomously organized marches that happened was a big success in their eyes as previous to this summer, that was a rarity in Rockford.

We felt that the relationship building that happened internal to the movement over the course of the past year seemed to be some of the best that happened in our memories. Much of this relationship building happened informally during actions, and we found that building relationships through creating affinity groups, collectives and organizations was  prioritized by radicals throughout the city. At the time of writing, there are several radical organizations and collectives, with a variety of different politics and goals, that have emerged out of the rebellion and the pandemic. We hope that these organizations and collectives continue to organize amongst themselves and build long lasting relationships. We need more specialization and decentralization in our movement. Our movement is propelled by the strength of the relationships that we have with our comrades and our larger communities. While we do not feel that everyone needs to be friends (in fact we are critical of friendship as the sole basis for political affinity), we do feel that deepening relationships and trust with those who you share political affinity is necessary step towards building strong radical movements.

Finally, the emphasis on political education and theorization was a major improvement in the movement over the past year. A noticeable emphasis was placed on education within formal organizations, radical spaces, and informal organization. Numerous actions we attended had explicit calls for political education alongside zine distros. At the beginning of 2020, there were discussions about how the lack of attention to radical political analysis in our region had led to stagnation of radical politics. We have been pleased to see more attention to local radical history, such as the history of the Rockford Black Panther Party, as well as more written analysis about our region over the course of the past year. Numerous strategy and reading sessions about abolition, revolutionary strategy, and anarchy occurred which were deeply critical. Our hope is to see more groups creating internal education to their group in an effort to develop a clearer political analysis of our city’s reality. In the coming years this needs to be intensified especially in regard to comradely self-reflection.

During the height of the protests around #TyrisJones, radicals build relationships with his family and organized alongside them. Organizing with directly impacted people is critical. The organizing alongside prisoners inside of Winnebago County Jail was another deeply important development of this year. We hope to see more of that in the future. Finally, it is important for there to be personal boundaries within radical communities. Over the course of the past year, organizational and personal boundaries were a major priority for radicals in the area and we hope to see people continue to respect and think about inter-personal dynamics. Understanding personal boundaries is critical especially when dealing and preventing harm and abuse in our spaces. Through every jail support, reading group, revolutionary gardening workday, and de-arrest, we built a closer relationship with our comrades. We feels that finally the foundations of radical infrastructure are starting to take shape in Rockford.

Weaknesses and Criticism

The three primary criticisms that emerged repeatedly within our conversations were the presence of activist/clout chaser personality types dominating movement spaces, symbolic protests with little substance, and the divide between radicals and the larger Rockford community.

A lot of the movement work this summer and overall in Rockford has been centralized around charismatic people. This is our critique of the clout chaser dynamic especially as radicals interested in deconstructing hierarchy. We feel that this dynamic is central to many of the criticisms internal to radicals doing movement building in Rockford. We feel that this clout chaser dynamic has only been exacerbated by social media which uplifts particular personalities based on an algorithm. The social media centered activism has lead to a toxic culture where people who are not constantly “out there” in a physical sense are often shamed for not being “radical enough”. A dynamic like this emerged at the City Hall Occupation after the police shooting of Tyris Jones where people who did not participate were perceived as “less radical” or not “going as hard”. This was particularly problematic as it has effectively silenced critiques of movement tactics that were ineffective. The critique is ableist as being “out there” through supporting demonstrations is not the only actions or way to participate in a movement. We feel that to a large degree that the charismatic personalities dominating has to do with oppressive gendered dynamics internal to the movement spaces where critical labor is done by women and oppressed genders while it remains invisible and unacknowledged. Men have taken up a lot of space and media attention during actions while not doing many other types of tasks. The problem of misogyny in radical spaces needs to be confronted in Rockford. There are men who are still allowed in movement spaces despite being creepy and exhibiting sexual predatory behavior towards comrades and minors. Revolutionaries in Rockford must not tolerate this in any form overt or not.

We tend to feel that many of the actions in 2020 have been completely symbolic. As we mentioned earlier, we supported City Market protests initially but upon reflection, those protests remained completely symbolic, non-violent, devoid of a larger strategic goal and resulted in needless arrests. Though the authors of the document have varying experiences with the actions at City Market in terms of participation and consequences for that participation, we felt that the post by the group Rockford Radical Abolitionists for Change was particularly insightful about those protests.

“There were avoidable mistakes made. These mistakes have led to the predicament we are in now. Multiple nonviolent protestors who are being targeted by the police and the “justice” system are at risk of losing their freedom due to the way police handled the situation AND there being a lack of diverse tactics to respond with. Every week it was to be expected that there would be brutality and excessive force used by the police and at times it felt as if the collective were waiting for it to happen instead of taking control of the action by working together.”- Rockford Radical Abolitionists For Change

While we disagree with the qualification of protestors as non-violent, which seems to be a supposed attempt to set them apart from the “violent” protestors, we think this analysis is very spot on. We agree that the lack of diverse tactics was a problem, we attribute this back to the loudest people in the movement getting attention and dictating tactics on the ground.

Tactics must be changed when they are clearly ineffective. Instead of symbolic protests centered on politicians , revolutionaries should be putting their energy towards organizing along class lines. We need to be present in neighborhoods, workplaces, and homes. The basis of a revolutionary movement is building a strong base of support within communities. We must organize with the intent to grow power and education in our communities rather than to make symbolic gestures with hope that politicians will “hear” us. That is not a revolutionary strategy.

​​​​The divorce between the radicals and the community has been a big issue. The failure to contest this clout chasing tendency has led to a lot of problems internal to the movement with certain “activists” not wanting to take critique and change their behavior. This led to certain individuals with clout begin to police tones and actions. Some of our comrades felt that the demonstrations at City Market had become white spectacle that was unconnected to the realities of black people on the West Side dealing with the everyday violence of the police. This was voiced when revolutionaries talked to people in the community. However, due to the activist mentality, there was a refusal to acknowledge those critiques because the people making them simply “didn’t realize the problems”. The refusal by activists to have humility is a serious problem.

The role that mutual aid has played in building our movement in Rockford has been vital. Mutual aid formations developing nationwide at the beginning of the Covid-19 pandemic has allowed for renewed relationship building within radical circles and more broadly. However, It is imperative that our mutual aid practice remains connected to a larger revolutionary strategy. The strength of the mutual aid formations and autonomous mutual aid efforts is they must not be disconnected from the larger radical movements. Ideally, mutual aid networks can serve as a bridge between radicals ourselves and the communities we that live in. We must be developing new relationships as they will be necessary to move beyond capitalism. Many people in Rockford already practice mutual aid. There is a long history of African-American mutual aid history that we should draw from. One of the mutual aid formations in the city that emerged would drive in a car caravan around neighborhoods to give food to folks, to do cop watch and build relationships. Despite this, some of the work called “mutual aid” over the past year was more transactional than in a true spirit of mutual aid. However, we do think that building survival programs is critical. It is deeply important to distinguish what mutual aid actually is. This model of mutual aid, that emphasizes organizing against the state and capitalists, is critical for the future struggle. It is our hope that more survival programs develop within the next year that are independent and antagonistic of the State.

We need to think about movements in terms of relationships and collective power rather than an individualized effort. This philosophy is encapsulated well by the Chairman Fred Hampton’s quote “You can jail a revolutionary but you can’t jail the revolution.” We need to think about movement beyond reactive mobilizations lead by a few of charismatic personalities. Individuals can be jailed, corrupted, and change whereas collective power softens the blow the movement receives overall from poor leadership. Smaller scale actions should be planned with some tactical goals in mind. Radical spaces must stress the necessity of building infrastructure to explicitly support class revolt. Although there was a lot of education about racial capitalism and its relationship to the State over this summer, there has been little education on how to fight back against those systems strategically and effectively. Very few skill trainings were held and those that were only dealt with how to respond to State violence and not counter it.  Revolutionaries who had experience organizing marches and rallies failed to share releveant skills with new comers. Without this skillsharing of expierence amoungst radicals in the city many newly politicized milatants were left developing necessary skills on their own. There was little thought about what actions could look like beyond marches to nowhere that ended inevitably in last stand arrests. We need to understand that revolutionary movements must be sustained over the course of lifetimes, not just weeks or months, but lifetimes. Understanding this need for longevity will make us understand the necessity for sustainable strategies to avoid burnout.

The Future

What does the future look like? Ultimately, the future is up to us. Through our conversations, we have generated a few ideas that we would like to see develop in the community and amongst revolutionaries in Rockford.

One of the most important things we feel that needs to happen in Rockford is a physical space for the movement to meet, strategize, learn, and build. We feel that a physical political center could provide a base for food distribution, a permanent zine distro, a library, a forum for radical speakers, movie screenings, potlucks and numerous other events. These types of events will allow us to develop the necessary relationships with the community. We hope to see this infrastructure to take root sooner than later. Infrastructure is something radical movements in Rockford need more than anything. In our discussion, we felt that creation of more food projects in the form of cooperatively owned farms and community gardens in our neighborhoods and surrounding areas could help build autonomy and stop us from relying on the State and Capital for our food.

We cannot stress enough that collectives, groups, organizations and affinity groups must develop strategies for accountability internally with the people involved. We would like to see the movement more willing to criticize and hold one another accountable. We have found that the lack of accountability around actions within these groups is a major problem. Internal to these groups, there must be some kind of way to relate to one another that is principled and creates cultures of accountability.

We hope to see the emergence of more organizing projects that are based in the neighborhood, workplace, and the home. Organizing in these areas will mean that we can fight back directly against class enemies such as bosses, the police, and landlords rather than symbolic protests which target city leaders who are mostly figureheads. Tenant unions and workplace unions are very needed here especially with evictions on the rise. While most workplace unions in the area tend to be very racist and entrenched in the Democratic Party, revolutionaries should focus on organizing distribution centers (for companies such as Amazon) which have become a common job in this area. A revolutionary movement necessitates the ability to disrupt and block capital.

Revolutionaries and militants must continue to form their own groups to build autonomous projects while coordinating with one another. We believe that communication between different groups and individuals could improve. A good way to do this would be to host a monthly spokes council meeting for Rockford abolitionists, anarchists, and revolutionaries. A spokes council is effectively a place to share ideas, upcoming actions, and plans. In the Rockford case, we feel it should not be a decision-making body but a place to share strategies and tactics.

There is a need for more community defense-oriented groups to emerge. In the midst of Back the Blue rally in Rockford, there was no formal anti-fascist formation to organize the opposition to that demonstration. It leads to the resistance against Back the Blue not being militant enough in our view. We need anti-fascist organizations and affinity groups. We hope that these community defense formations train in a variety of defense tactics against fascists which could range from unarmed combat to armed combat training. We need it all.

We’d like to see the movement to develop robust cultures of non-cooperation with this State. This means organized Copwatch programs and ICE watches. Rapid response networks to respond to police brutality, violence against queer people, domestic violence and ICE raids. These rapid response networks should be working alongside the community defense formations. Non-cooperation means robust anti-repression networks that support our comrades facing prison time for taking radical action against the State. This is gonna be important for us to support our comrades and everyone throughout the next year as they face charges for rebelling against the State.

Finally, we believe that it is deeply important for revolutionary movements in this city to develop revolutionary cultures. One way to do this is by commemorating revolutionary holidays. We could do this by doing community events/vigils/actions on revolutionary holidays such as Juneteenth, African Liberation Day or May Day. For instance, there was recently a call for NYE noise demo outside of a jail in Rockford. One of our comrades suggested that we should coordinate vigils or demos on birthdays of people murdered by the Rockford Police Department so that people in our community do not forget the violence of the State. We cannot stress enough that even small events that build radical community here are going to be essential for propelling larger mass movements.

We need to rise to the occasion to build our revolutionary movement here. Will we rise against the police and right-wing fascists and defend our community?  What will you and your comrades do? What is the next step in your revolutionary practice?

Recommended Readings:

Let Empire Collapse: Why We Need a Decolonial Revolution by Mohamed Abdou

Notes from the Rockford Rebellion: Black Revolt in the Rustbelt from a New Afrikan Anarchist Perspective

Fire on Main Street: Small Cities in the George Floyd Rebellion by Shemon, Arturo and Atticus

The Combahee River Collective Statement by the Comahee River Collective

Communization and Decolonization by Ediciones Inéditas

For Anarchy, Not Anarchism by Ediciones Inéditas

16 Things You Can Do To Be Ungovernable by Indigenous Action​​​​​​​

The Progressive Plantation by Lorenzo Kom’boa Ervin

Anarchism and the Black Revolution by Lorenzo Kom’boa Ervin

1.1. Ferguson and More: Lessons for IE Organizing from Uprisings in the Outskirts

Key Take-Aways: 
  • White suburbia is an outdated concept. Inland Empire cities have become Southern California‘s suburban outskirts, although they aren’t predominantly white or middle class like history and mass media have typically described them.
  • The Inland Empire’s suburbs have a striking material resemblance to Ferguson’s. An analysis of the 2014 Ferguson uprisings shows us what resistance could potentially look like in the IE.
Autonomous Organizing in the Inland Empire Suburbs

The native lands currently known as the Inland Empire have a rich but overlooked history. Even the people who currently occupy the Inland Empire have little to no knowledge about its significance. This comes as no surprise, as this region is largely overshadowed by its neighbors with longer and more recognized histories: the Los Angeles and Orange Counties. However, we want to challenge the IE’s “forgotten” nature and ultimately shed light on possible resistance through autonomous organizing that centers BIPOC liberation. The crisis of racial capitalism, the worsening effects of climate change, and the horrific COVID-19 pandemic warrant immediate and effective methods of halting the gears of this oppressive machine. We have no time to lose, and we invite our fellow IE communities to rise with us.

We pose this question: how can autonomous organizing and practices be expanded into overlooked areas such as the IE, and how might these practices be transformed by modifying them on grounds unique to the IE?

Because Black and indigenous liberation must be central to any social movement, autonomous organizing must be situated within a discussion of disregarded racialized geographies, regions which have been historically neglected by the majority of social movements. Typically, autonomous organizing has occurred in urban environments, and (at times) predominantly white spaces. By contrast as well as by surprise one of the largest and most intense attempts at liberation spontaneously happened in Ferguson, Missouri: a predominantly Black and POC, working-class, suburban area. Every region has its own unique function within the capitalist world-system and has differing territorial relationships to systems of oppression. Autonomous strategies and decentralized coordination among struggles within these regions can be a potential method of decolonial BIPOC liberation in the United States. Let us elaborate.

The Neglected Resistance: An Analysis of the Ferguson Uprisings

By grounding these insights within the struggles for Black and indigenous liberation, we can reconnect the uprisings that occurred in Ferguson in late 2014. We argue that these uprisings exemplify the eventual fiery fate of the newest reconfigurations of capital within overlooked geographies and the racialized populations that inhabit them. In other words, Ferguson is an image from the future because of the many characteristics that Ferguson shares with other racialized working-class regions. We believe that it is in regions like these – such as the IE that the potential for overcoming racial capitalism and the state already exists.

We want to encourage people to study the uprising in Ferguson and compare it with their particular regions. We should read up on how and why the uprisings were so effective and militant, but not overlook the reasons why Ferguson has not been analyzed and talked about enough. In particular, this points to the dynamics of urban-centric, white dominant narratives of resistance. For example, there is a tendency by some (white) organizers who over-intellectualize the conditions of the oppressed and come up with grand narratives that claim to explain all of the particularities of our histories. One similar thing to note: why is it that the moment in Seattle 1999 against the WTO meeting counts as the “beginning” of the autonomous movements in North America, while moments like Watts or LA ‘92 are not considered a comparable rupture?

Ferguson was full of spectacular forms of resistance never before seen in the US, such as: shooting back at pigs, widespread use of Molotovs, massive and quickly set fires, ease of escape from authorities, new tactics of suburban warfare, the centrality of cars to movement for the protests, the lack of surveillance, the decentralization of the physical environment, and so on. In fact, Ferguson was not an inner city; it was a suburb. The suburbs were never designed for riot prevention or optimal state repression. All of this points back to why we should learn from and grow with Black uprisings like Ferguson: the state never saw it coming, and they did not expect it to go so hard.

Resisting Neglect: When the Inland Empire Borrows from Ferguson

On the one hand, moments like the 2009 murder of Oscar Grant in Oakland or the 1991 rupture in Los Angeles point to the importance of spiritual conditions (such as the bodily, psychic and inter-generational trauma triggered by the histories of police violence and racial violence), but we must also look at material conditions (such as the economic geography and political economy). We want to argue that such overlooked, racialized, poor regions suburbs like Ferguson or the IE are not simply the new sites of struggle, but that they will also play a key role in the coming destabilizations of the various systems at play. It will no longer be urban centers that set the stage for rioting and replaying the spectacles of resistance, or for practicing the rituals of marches and demonstrations.

By examining the material context of Ferguson and its significance, similarities arise between Ferguson and certain regions in California, especially when looking at three factors: deindustrialization, demographic inversions, and suburban poverty. A side-by-side comparison of Ferguson and the IE displays the following resemblances:

[Edit for typo: Ferguson, MI should be Ferguson, MO]

There are a few striking observations to make. The old, white, postwar, middle class suburbs are now the diverse, POC, proletarian neighborhoods. Correspondingly, the inner cities have now become gentrified (white) while the suburbs have become further impoverished (BIPOC). New forms of racialization and circuits of capital have drawn similar economic geographies and political-economies across North America. Capitalism is not what it once was in Karl Marx’s writings, and it is definitely not experienced the same way racially, genderedly, or spatially. So, we must always pay attention to material context: in this case, the Black revolt in Ferguson can reveal connections between comparable material environments that may foreshadow revolts and organizing to come here in California and the Inland Empire.

Our next blog post in this series will continue to investigate the stakes of organizing in the outskirts and learning from Black and POC uprisings like those in Ferguson.

Four Fundamental Frameworks for Organizing in the IE

Multiplicity — Initiative — Affinity — Conflictuality

As more and more people take to the streets in the Inland Empire, we want to break down a few frameworks to inform action and strengthen our movements. Given that the IE has experienced few social movements in the past, and with revolutionary lessons learned from other historical contexts, we feel that these frameworks can facilitate the transformations we wish to see in our communities. In particular, anti-police brutality uprisings and Black revolt in the 21st century have taught us that social movements cannot ever compromise with any kind of authority: we cannot settle for petty reforms, defunding of the police, or crumbs of justice. Our movements must exist in constant struggle against the entire system until we are completely liberated from all forms of authority and hierarchy, or else they are doomed to be crushed. These four frameworks are meant to orient folks new to grassroots street movements in order to foster long-term and sustainable autonomous movements for abolition.

  1. Multiplicity

Definition: the state of existing as or with multiples; the characteristics of diversity, range, and variety

Unity has historically suppressed real differences within movements — such those of class, race, gender, ability, etc. — and has itself become a form of oppression. The dream of unity is, in reality, a nightmare of compromise and suppressed desires: it is only a dream for those who wish to impose their experiences and desires at others’ expense. Intentions, beliefs, and motives will always be different; this is out of anyone’s control and not anyone’s fault, nor is it anyone’s responsibility to contain. This should be acknowledged as a matter of fact before you ever hit the streets.

As opposed to the illusion of unity, multiplicity is a closer approximation to the real experiences encountered in the streets and at actions. The reality of multiplicity translates into a diversity of tactics and strategies, given the diversity of people and their motivations. The temptation of unity must be resisted at all times because it lends itself to burnt-out authoritarianism: people are not a monolith, and so the diverse reasons and desires for which they fight in the street must be conserved and not channeled for the ends of any so-called “leadership.”

Multiplicity in Action:

The late May protests in San Bernardino are a good example of multiplicity in action. People of all backgrounds showed up in the streets with very different goals. This manifested itself in the different actions that took place, ranging from the mask/water distribution, graffiti tagging, looting, and peaceful marching that took place interdependently.

All these things are just a matter-of-fact and they took place independent of anyone’s control or idealized images of protest. Multiplicity as a strategy allows for movements to become harder to be attacked by the state or repressed by the police. It also prevents state collaborators from taking over our movements: a diversity of methods and intentions for direct struggle will be too difficult to completely co-opt for their ends.

  1. Initiative

Definition: the quality of displaying self-motivation and capacity at one’s own discretion; acting out of one’s individual will or collective volition

Initiative — as opposed to following others’ orders — is how true uprisings begin: they are usually spontaneous and self-organized. Uncritically waiting for the right conditions is a constant deferral of action when it matters most: now, instead of tomorrow. This self-activity also functions as a balance of power to other formal organizations, vanguards, and self-appointed movement leaders.

For uprisings to become irreversible, anti-authoritarian initiative must be fought for and kept alive, free from the constraints of elitist leaders and other power-hungry actors that otherwise kill any movement’s diversity and spontaneity. Instead of following the commands and peer pressure of “recognized” or “legitimate” leaders, initiative is derived from within a community’s own impulses for self-determination. Initiative begins from trusting in one’s own truths and propensities. Our active powers are the key to our self-liberation. The secret is simple and it is to just begin from wherever we may find ourselves. From initiative, we find autonomy in the capacity to act for ourselves and with community who hold common truths, such as those of Black liberation and decolonization.

Initiative in Action:

After the first night of the Minneapolis uprisings, there were spontaneous protests happening in Downtown Fontana. The people present were primarily Black and brown youth, and reports show that they were mostly young people who lived around the block. Most of them learned about the gathering by word-of-mouth and through their friends’ Instagram stories.

The unruly, self-organized gathering happened organically and without direction, and its autonomous qualities were so surprising to everyone that Fontana PD brutally attacked the protestors that night. Autonomous initiative revealed the police’s fear of power so vividly. It takes the creativity of movement participants to keep the initiative to attack authority. Strategizing for the longevity of anti-authoritarian initiative brings community closer together, creating unforgettable moments and bonds between each other.

  1. Affinity 

Definition: a relationship existing by chosen kinship or natural connection; the fundamental basis for all inter-personal bonds and relations

Given the reality of people’s diverse desires and the existence of many autonomous initiatives, it is impossible to impose only one method or approach of achieving liberation. In contrast, affinity groups decide for themselves what they wish to do; they manifest the diversity of community truths. The bond and connection you feel to the people closest to you — and your collective desires — already hold the key to how you wish to collectively make your dreams of freedom into reality.

The common truths that we hold with those around us carry the meaning of our lives and are the basis of actualizing our own worlds. The affinity group allows for an unbreakable cohesion that has historically created the basis for powerful movements and revolutions. Because the affinity group acts of its own initiative and decides for itself how it wishes to make real their liberation, the creation of your affinity group — and coordination with other autonomous affinity groups — is foundational for social movements. Affinity resolves the problem of “how liberation must be done,” leaving behind the outdated question of “what is to be done.” The former emphasizes that the means of achieving liberation are already in our midst, while the latter emphasizes a pre-determined formula for struggling against oppression and a pre-determined outcome for such a struggle. We must pay attention to process and to our interpersonal dynamics and relationships as we fight for self-determination to ensure that we do not replicate oppressive habits and structures.

Affinity in Action:

Almost every action and demonstration in the Inland Empire was visibly composed of small crews of homies, siblings, neighbors, couples, and childhood friends that decided to roll up to the street together. Each crew had their own reasons for being in the streets and their own goals for the night. These things are discussed prior to and decided upon through affinity, whether or not folks are aware of it.

The IE has never seen so many people in the streets until now. This is because we all secretly had an affinity in common the whole time that we have only now begun to actualize: our desires for freeing our loved ones and communities. The affinities and community that we build right now are the entire reason for why we struggle against oppression in the streets at all. For this reason alone, we must be intentional and as communicative with each other as possible, especially if there is conflict between our truths or experiences. Our ability to uproot hierarchy and authority is only as good as the relationships that make such struggles possible in the first place.

  1. Conflictuality

Definition: an ongoing state of conflict or opposition between opposing forces; an irreconcilable and permanently antagonistic situation

Affinity groups’ active initiative and the ensuing autonomous measures they circulate could instigate permanent conflictuality, or permanent revolution. Struggles should never turn to mediation, bargaining, or compromise with authorities. Our liberation must constantly be regained by taking initiative and maintaining momentum. This perpetual conflict means that our movements must be prepared to make quick decisions and not get tied up by rigid structures. The self-organization, then, has to take on an informal character because it can’t be determined by recognized organizations or pre-determined answers. Waiting for others to represent you ensures that initiative gets lost.

The concept of the affinity group is the basis of this initiative-based, flexible, and informal association of determined communities. Permanent conflictuality means that self-determining communities should not wait for orders from leaders or organizations who — by nature of their role — aim to control our rebellion and thus, alienate or extract our active powers for other ends that we may not consent to. Affinity groups and networks must spread the initiative and methods for self-liberation instead of trying to lead communities themselves. The ability for everyone to attack the system and achieve true liberation is contingent on the autonomy of all of the most oppressed groups. Thus, conflictuality is a constant and effective struggle towards cooperative aims mutually decided upon by autonomous networks and clusters of coordinated affinities.

 

As social movements in the Inland Empire remain at a nascent phase, we have yet to see if or when this cycle of uprisings will transform into an irreversible, sustainable conflict with the powers that be. Right now is the time to create affinity groups and link up with other crews in the area who are interested in keeping the momentum alive.

By going to the protests and getting to know other autonomous groups who are present — as well as by organizing more actions, creating long-term projects and community infrastructure — we can establish the networks needed to keep the fight going. By refusing to vote for crumbs or bargain with politicians, we can eventually realize strong autonomous movements that will accomplish our wildest dreams.


Postscript 1: The Politics of the Streets — August 2020

We had a hard time trying to come up with a title for the original post. Alternative titles were considered beforehand, such as ‘4 helpful tips for new IE actions’ or ‘4 things to know before protesting,’ etc. However, we must argue that these are not necessarily “frameworks,” rather dispositions and mentalities. This means that they function as ways to get your head in the game for the reality of the streets. In other words, we were suggesting alternative ways of moving in the street.

Language is a limiting way to understand reality and we all know that. For example, how hard is it to describe things like love and joy? Precisely because they are more than language; they are felt and lived in moments and events. Likewise, getting a feel for moving at protests and tapping into the collective power of the streets requires that you be there, present, and active in the disruption of power. You can only get a sense of what these posts are about when you are on the ground, by witnessing and participating.

In that post, we suggested 4 different things that can help people tap into the realities of the politics of the street. These 4 “frameworks” were: multiplicity, affinity, initiative, and conflictuality. To summarize it, we were suggesting to folks who were showing up to the streets to respect and participate in diverse ways of being together in the streets. After seeing the influx of actions labeled as “peaceful” and the enforcement of such standards by protestors themselves, we opted to encourage folks to respect and defend each other against the common enemy and not shoot each other down for acting in ways they might not agree with (except for said people acting like the cops they were “protesting”).

After the initial uprisings in the IE in the wake of George Floyd’s murder, we have since then reflected and want to give a few clarifying points on the 4 frameworks:

– We must recognize the difference between autonomous street insurgents, and the Left/leftists: we must recognize the different dynamics that these two groupings bring into the streets, and how they tend to conflict and contradict with each other.

– The post itself was more about an approach to moving within protests and street actions rather than our view of the ultimate method for organizing (i.e. multiplicity, affinity, initiative, conflictuality).

– No modes of organizing are universal, which means that organizing methods can look differently across different places, contexts, and timing.

– The frameworks themselves are just ways of orienting new folks to the streets and it sought to push for a non-organization-centric mode of organizing (because a lot of people still think they need to “join” an organization to participate in social change, and that is just not true!)

– Non-organizational movements are inherently organic and street-made. As we saw in the IE, almost none of the professional and recognized activists were out in the streets, or if they were, were extremely outnumbered.

– The framework we proposed can be reduced down to this one statement: Trust the streets! The streets always fight back, and their people (youth, hood folks, everyday peoples, etc.) will ALWAYS be there independent of political movements or the presence of organizations.

– A lot of the times, these same political cliques and “leftist” organizations usually become ends in themselves as opposed to doing the actual work of cultivating the conditions for organic and spontaneous street uprisings to emerge. (As an example, look up the history of Germany’s Spartacist uprising to see what social democratic organizations always end up doing in revolutionary moments: co-opting and betraying)

– Multiplicity is real, and we just have to learn to coordinate across our differences and desires. What this means is that we should creatively build bridges with people who face different struggles and set common boundaries and expectations as we move in coalition.

– Affinity and autonomous initiative allow us to find our place within the streets or in the community. We need to continue to link up with others in our area not as an organization, but as people with similar material needs, common oppressors, and through bonds that are stronger than rigid ideological lines.

– As we have seen recently through the brutal repression of BLM protestors in San Bernardino and Yucaipa, we must learn methods of self-defense to protect our growing power against the reactionary forces that wish to keep us down. This is because conflictuality will always be a fact of the streets, both against state actors and non-state enablers of oppression (i.e. the Nazis and fascists in Norco, San Jacinto, Hemet, etc.)

– To that end, we need more folks in the streets and more folks doing the work of affinity-group building in order to create a community safety net against repression so that our people do not get lost in the system. The more folks we bring into the fold of our community-organizing, the more we can weaken their ability to repress us and the harder we can struggle against the state knowing that we have community that has our back through the thick and thin.

In the end, revolutions are made by the people in the streets who usually do not belong to organizations, formal groups, or informal minorities. The revolutionary communities are always already in existence, not as some “mass” waiting to be organized by leaders; they are just there, and we need to be present with them. We know now from movement in the IE and across the so-called United States that the power of the revolts has primarily stemmed from affinity-group based action, suggesting the power of small crews with lots of initiative.

Because the momentum is dying down slowly, and street actions have limits, we must think about steps for sustaining a movement for liberation in the IE based on the realities of street politics as well as our relationship-building and presence in our everyday communities.


Postscript 2 – Beyond the Protest: Cultivating Movement Infrastructure

Protests or marches are not ends in themselves and we tend to forget that in our organizing; this is especially the case when spectacular forms of resistance are the most idealized or publicized. As we have seen with the final wave of the summer’s George Floyd uprisings, we cannot always depend on mobilizations to sustain beyond a certain period of time. Building the basis for the liberation of our communities requires a lot more than just the ability to mobilize or attack. As necessary as these capacities are, they are only sustained and made possible by the work that we do outside of and beyond the protest or march. This is what we mean by cultivating movement infrastructure: our ability to disrupt the system and escalate conflictuality is only possible when we have strong material bases that can sustain the capacity to mobilize. We should devote as much time, if not more, to the construction of new realities as we do to the destruction of this reality. In fact, we argue that the ability to mobilize and attack structures of oppression is inseparable from the building of community infrastructure and affinities. We’d like to open up a discussion on moving beyond the hyper-emphasis and fetishization of mobilization culture.

It is true: there will never be a “right time” or “sufficient numbers” to attack the system and so, we must act now regardless of existing conditions. But we must not confuse strategic patience with the constant deferral of acting. There is a difference between these two things and we must move accordingly: if we cannot realistically attack or mobilize right now (without getting killed or repressed), then maybe we should not act right away. Confidence is not the same thing as courage. We can act and mobilize with more confidence when we have created strong community bases and cultivated movement infrastructure, such that we can consistently attack and have a movement to hide within. We can attack viciously knowing that we have dependable material support and a large community that has our backs. Courage would imply that action is taken without a larger movement infrastructure so that only the “fearless” or “brave” are able to attack or participate in conflictuality, but that just creates other hierarchies (i.e. between militant and “non-militant”). In contrast, confidence-based action against this system would signify a larger social backing and material backbone from which many actors can participate in and feel included.

Courage-based attacks and responses are not necessarily the same thing as collective confidence because they are not always embedded within a larger movement context (although it is not always necessary or possible). In addition, overreliance on courage-based responses can sometimes be easier for the state to repress without proper planning, hence why confidence is a key factor in struggle. This is why, for example, many people are not attending protests locally: there is an overreliance on “getting numbers” based on “liking” an Instagram image of a protest flyer (whether it’s posted by CrimethInc. or some other local org) rather than on the ability to mobilize with offline communities and networks. We can mobilize and attack on our own terms – because it is within everyone’s autonomy to do so – but we can get many more people mobilizing if we build the collective confidence that can come with patiently building strong bases and movement infrastructure. Examples of movement infrastructure can include: community defense trainings, people’s mental health/healing hubs, land projects, political education initiatives, food sovereignty networks, free medical clinics, legal support/anti-repression committees, and so on.

It is a public secret that the militant uprisings of the last few decades have all been doomed in part to the fact that social movements have not created bases and autonomous power outside of the state. Even recent abolitionist movements are not able to fully escalate conflictuality because of this unspoken dependence on the state for the means of survival. For example, we are all still dependent on the state’s infrastructure, such as its agriculture, its medicines, its educational systems, etc. Thus, in addition to finding ways to mobilize and outmaneuver the state’s attempts at total control, we must also devote time and energy to being able to autonomously self-reproduce and sustain ourselves. We must reclaim practical skills and the ability to heal, to grow, to build, and so on. We can begin this by taking an inventory of our collective skills, capacities, and connections, and by pooling our resources together. Fleshing out our material autonomy will be urgently necessary when the time comes not only to provide for ourselves outside of the system, but also sustain community self-defense against the state and fascists.

Toward that end, material autonomy will only come by when we continue to devote time to building strong relationships with each other and the communities that we belong to. We do not need to recruit people into organizations or build new social contracts: we need to spread concrete practices, knowledge and resources to take self-determination into our own hands. We have talked about affinity previously before, but the point stands that almost all the relationships that we encounter in our day-to-day have the potential to become political accomplices. However, the logical next step once we find our community is to live and struggle together; some have called this the “commune.” The uprisings create the space in which diverse communities and affinities come into contact, but we must maintain the initiative and continue building our collective power even after the events of struggle. If we are all over-worked by capitalism, we will never be able to sustain mobilizations or attack the system on our own terms. We must become intentional about meeting each other’s material needs or else we are doomed to default to getting our needs met by the current hellscape we live in. We must put our minds together and really scheme it up: what are ways we can pull in community together to provide for each other so that we do not become hyper-dependent on working a job or become over-reliant on money at all?

As we saw in the summer of 2020, decentralization is one of the strongest features of any social movement. The state has a much harder time repressing a multiplicity than it does one large mass; this also applies to a strategy for building communes. The decentralized construction of communes and hubs can help us defeat the curse of surviving the horrors of capitalism on our own: collectivizing with others will help insurrections endure past the first stages of riot and revolt. We all know the importance of having the capacity to address our material/emotional/mental/spiritual needs so that we can all sustainably remain active in the struggles against oppression. Collective care is a prerequisite for any revolutionary activity. Communes can eventually displace our material dependence on the institutions of this society, too (such as the family, employment, citizenship etc.). However, we should not become insulated in our comfortable commune communities, cut ourselves off from locals, or become complacent with mere lifestyle politics. The point is to become materially autonomous enough to sustain an offensive, abolitionist attack on this system and spread the capacities for communities to self-determine. Devoting time and intention to building material complementarity between diverse communes and hubs can give our movements strength in the long-term coordination of struggles.

We have a few other last suggestions on building movement infrastructure that provides for a long-term fight against the state and capital:

– As we fight off the settler-colonial state, the ultimate goal is decolonization and pushing police control off of stolen native lands. The colonial state tries to control the territory and map it out in order to keep it under control. Beyond the riot or protest, we must contend with not reproducing settler-colonialism in our organizing. In addition to the protest, we must spend time and be intentional about cultivating meaningful relationships and affinity with native people, increasing their own capacity and power to liberate the land.

– Local self-organization allows space to be used outside of its designated or official use, such as when barbershops or strip malls or empty properties are used outside of their economic function; it is a matter of spreading the complicities between existing relationships in a given area or place. We must subvert the imposed and given environment. We must remain opaque and invisible to the state as much as we can, using space and places as cover to hide in and cultivate our bases (i.e. by building squats, occupying buildings, liberating public parks, constructing the underground). Avoiding visibility will allow us to gather force in the shadows, and when we become visible we will be stronger and ready.

– We should all get to know comrades from other struggles: reach out, link up with folks, and make the efforts to travel and communicate consistently with them. Learning from others experience and techniques they’ve learned is great for our movement beyond what only enclosed self-criticism could offer. Social media has been great for this but must be done with security culture procedures in mind. Although social media has been helping people link up, it is ultimately the oppressor’s tool and we must use it with that in mind. We can start the conversation online and use encrypted communications tools to keep the conversation going and the affinity growing.

– Speaking of the social, interpersonal skills and conflict resolution are absolute prerequisites for any movement for abolition of the state and negation of all oppressions. We all come into movements with a lot of personal traumas and baggage: how can we learn to tune in to our own desires, needs, and personal struggles and have them inform – while not negatively impacting – our participation in collective spaces? This is an important issue because when we fail to be accountable to our community, our movement is weakened. We would make a call for everyone to continually check in with themselves, a trusted homie, your affinity group, and the spaces that you are a part of to make sure that conflict, harm, and traumas are not perpetuated in liberatory organizing. We should devote as much time to our relationships, engage in our own healing, and build our interpersonal skills as we do to any other kind of self-education or movement infrastructure.

– Community self-defense is extremely taken for granted and we must continually have it in our sights. We must treat self-defense as an obligation of social life (i.e. through consistent self-defense trainings and community mobilization responses to abuse by individuals or the state). We cannot reconstruct our movements each and every time we encounter police violence and state repression. Instead of becoming outraged after some offense from capitalist relations or police murders, we must stop this culture of denouncing-then-mobilizing ritual when we may not even be physically prepared for such fights. Confrontation will be an inevitable aspect of our attempts to build power outside of the system. We must be prepared for counter-attacks from the state and non-state agents. If we do take the streets, there must be a means, an intention, and a goal to the action. If we train and take defense seriously, the police will not be as efficient to respond. As decentralization has shown, pigs cannot act rapidly enough to a moving multiplicity that can strike a number of targets at once and that tries to always keep the initiative. The spread of our autonomous initiative must be both militant and social. We are, after all, ultimately embedded in a social war. We must make authority’s attempts at repression ubiquitous so that they are ultimately effective nowhere through multi-frontal conflictuality.

Let’s continue to expand our bases of power so that we can continue to escalate conflictuality, to end oppression once and for all!

Towards Autonomous Solidarity— Beyond Leftism, Ideology, & Rigid Political Labels

Summary: In this piece, we discuss the ways in which certain practices within Leftism, rigid ideologies, and political labels become roadblocks to our movement organizing. We argue that political institutions and ideologies do not capture or fully address what is most at stake in our liberation struggles: the fight to materially dismantle hierarchies of race, anti-Blackness, class, and gender. Many Leftists tend to push away people that are different from them—this reproduces the “good citizen, bad citizen” model of organizing that seeks to measure people’s “commitment” to an organization or cause. In addition, many forms of street self-organization tend to be opaque or illegible to mainstream leftists and organization-centric activists. In the end, this piece is a call for autonomous solidarity— the proliferation of diverse tactics and reciprocal community support needed to finally dismantle oppressive hierarchies. Autonomous solidarity functions by focusing primarily on meeting each other’s material needs, rendering ideology as secondary.


We want to discuss “leftism” and the widespread usage of political labels in this post. We argue that people should not be afraid to link up and get organized just because they haven’t figured out their “label” or “political identity” yet. As we fight for liberation, we must recognize that abolition and revolution are not necessarily about political institutions or ideologies. The fight is ultimately about race, anti-Blackness, class, and gender. Our lived experiences of oppression will NEVER become legible to society’s political institutions and – a lot of the times – political ideologies prevent us from seeing these lived experiences as autonomous struggles of their own. In other words, we are not concerned with politics, but with materially dismantling the oppressive structures that shape people’s lives.

Just because someone self-identifies as part of a certain ideology does not mean they do the work of dismantling the hierarchies of race, anti-Blackness, class, gender, ability, etc. To reiterate earlier points, we are ALL learning to dismantle these interpersonal oppressions and no one is truly free from repeating these behaviors. We should be centering people’s intentions to learn, grow, and engage in transformative change as opposed to assuming they are “down” just because they identify as part of x, y, or z political ideology. There are entire systems to be abolished and very significant work begins at home and in our communities. We must all (re)assume collective responsibility to each other by undoing inter-personal forms of oppression: this will never be achieved through political institutions, and most political ideologies overlook said inter-personal dynamics.

Identifying as certain political labels, in fact, is part of the problem. A lot of the times, we feel that if we do not know the entire theoretical positions or histories of certain political ideologies, that we are not able to engage with “politics.” Fighting against oppression does not require us to sign up for some organization or forcibly identify with a political tradition. The issue is the act of taking up an identity: it is an exclusionary way of existing, and it pretends to be free of all differences or deviations. For example, we all know how adhering to any kind of identity (i.e. ethnic, political, cultural identities) is almost impossible because everyone has different (sometimes contradictory) expectations and definitions of said identities. Most importantly, we can engage with liberation struggles without having to “identify” as anything in particular because liberation transcends political institutions and ideologies.

We should not be concerned with “the battle of ideas” when our community’s lives and well-being are at stake. More times than few have “leftist” cliques and their “in-groups” competed for clout or attempted to display the best analysis or practice. We gotta stay humble and keep it real with each other. Beef between different “leftist” ideologies, usually grounded in abstract debate and speculation, has almost ZERO correspondence to the needs and realities of regular people in real life. No one in the IE really cares about what theoretical beef Kropotkin and Marx had back in the late 1800’s; what matters most are material needs right now! Likewise, we should not be concerned with persuading or converting people to follow one abstract ideological line over another, but instead with collectively building a MATERIAL line of autonomous power. Ideology and labels should not be obstacles in the way of our self-determination.

Ideologies have preconceived notions of the world and its workings. When taken too literally, they try to scientifically explain the mechanisms of the world under their framework. However, social reality does not obey laws like in physics–it is complex, messy, and fragmented, so that every idealized formula for radical change will always be imperfect. Ideology tends to prevent a proper analysis of concrete situations or moments that do not fall under the scope of the ideology’s concepts or frameworks. For example, the over-fixation on the category of the worker/working-class does not access the positionality of Blackness or the lived experiences of disability. In fact, the best people to organize with are those who are not entrenched in a rigid ideology: ideology lays out only one way of seeing the world and only one way of engaging in action, instead of inhabiting multiplicity as it exists.

Rigid ideology tends to generate certainties and fixed answers that close off the potential for experimentation. However, these certain tendencies can harden into stifling patterns, especially when spaces become purist or dogmatic about their way of doing things – such as believing that politics can only happen by adhering to a set program or party line. As the foos from CrimethInc. put it:

“If the hallmark of ideology is that it begins from an answer or a conceptual framework and attempts to work backward from there, then one way to resist ideology is to start from questions rather than answers. That is to say— when we intervene in social conflicts, doing so in order to assert questions rather than conclusions. What is it that brings together and defines a movement, if not questions? Answers can alienate or confound, but questions seduce. Once enamored of a question, people will fight their whole lives to answer it. Questions precede answers and outlast them: every answer only perpetuates the question that begot it.”

The problem is the history of Leftism™ itself; to be clear, we are not right-wing or some “centrists.” But leftism attempts to manage and opportunistically seize moments of rupture when in reality, people take to the streets on their own terms and without managerial direction. Leftists take up too much space and ritualize a meeting-voting-recruiting-marching pattern without strategic reflection. The left in the US has been a nebulous, outdated, distracting, and, at key points, historically counter-productive force (i.e. ‘the left-wing of capital’). For example, just because some non-profits might be “leftist” does not mean that they won’t attempt to set their own self-serving agendas or seek out power. Instead, we should pay attention to the people and the streets, and not efforts made at recuperation by leftists. We can align and act “left,” but not rigidly identify as a dogmatic Leftist™.

To bring it back, we want to call for autonomous solidarity in place of leftism, the marketplace of ideologies, and rigid political labels. Autonomous solidarity could allow for the proliferation of diverse tactics and reciprocal community support needed to finally materially dismantle the hierarchies of race, anti-Blackness, class, and gender.

A few last suggestions:

  • Learn to commonly respect group difference, heterogeneity, and multiplicity (EXCEPT if one group tries to overpower all the other groups, is an oppressive group with known abusers, etc.)
  • Move away from only organizing with other leftists; also organize with regular folks. (The isolation of being “the only Marxist-Leninist” or xyz ideology in your town is, in part, addressed by doing this.)
  • Stop adhering so rigidly to your ideological position and meet people halfway. (Twitter is not real life.)
  • Trust in people’s ability to solve their own problems and take collective responsibility. Be responsive and attentive to others rather than prescribe how they should do it. (This is the basis for autonomy.)
  • Encourage others to ask questions and listen sincerely to responses because new potential and openings emerge from these honest exchanges. (Since ideology tends to prevent growth.)

We might all have idealized images of how social change happens or occurs, and we must be honest about the times we encounter our own errors, frustrations, and mistakes. We gotta keep it real with ourselves and each other, and come to accept the inevitably imperfect nature of revolutionary processes.

From the book ‘Joyful Militancy’: 

“To ward off ideology is not finally to see clearly, but to be disoriented, allowing things to emerge in their murkiness and complexity. It might mean seeing and feeling more, but often vaguely, like flickers in one’s peripheral vision, or strange sensations that defy familiar categories and emotions. It is an undoing of oneself, cutting across the grain of habits and attachments. To step out of an inherited ideology can be joyful and painful.” 

In place of leftism, autonomy!


Further Reading:

“Joyful Militancy: Building Thriving Resistance in Toxic Times” by carla bergman and Nick Montgomery

“Post-Left Anarchy: Leaving the Left Behind” by Jason McQuinn

“Why Leftism – All the Way to Anarchism – is the Last Colonial Project” by Peter Harrison

Affinity Groups 101: Build Your Own Autonomous Initiatives and Groups

Why is it important to talk about affinity groups?

Well the whole point of life is to enjoy it with the people that make up our lives. When it comes to fighting for our liberation and self-determination, we can accomplish revolutionary change by working together in our affinity groups. The affinity group is just another way of saying your crew or squad. All it takes is rounding up your homies and loved ones, cause everyone has a role to play within the radical change we are trying to create. We only exist as people embedded within communities, not as lone individuals in the world: every person on earth has contact with others. Contact with another body is, then— at the same time— contact with our own selves. Affinity is the foundation of autonomy.

What is autonomy and autonomous organizing?

Autonomy is based on the love for and mutual respect of individuals that does not seek to gain power-over their lives or trajectories. Autonomy is synonymous with horizontal (i.e. on equal grounds/power-with), and can be contrasted to other forms of life that are vertical (i.e. top-down/power-over) such as the authoritarian, capitalist, gendered, and racial hierarchies that we see in the world. Consequently, autonomous organizing is based on the collection of desires, friendships, and projects that seek to disrupt those forms of oppression. This form of organizing is different from and opposed to other models of organizing that are based on leadership or bureaucracy. Instead, autonomous organizing is based on consensus, mutual aid, and affinity. It is based on the affinity group model, and it has historically been the organizational basis that have popped off the wildest revolts, insurrections, and uprisings for the last few centuries.

What is an affinity group?

An affinity group is a small group of 5 to 15 people who conspire together autonomously on direct actions or other projects. Your life is already filled with many people that you have affinity with, and that’s the point: these groups are ultimately based on closeness and trust. Affinity groups challenge top-down decision-making and organizing, and empower those involved to take creative direct action. Affinity groups allow people to “be” the action they want to see by giving complete freedom and decision-making power to the affinity group. Affinity groups by nature are decentralized and non-hierarchical. Affinity groups can exist for a long time or form temporarily to accomplish one task, it all depends on everyone checking on each other’s intentions. The label “affinity group” makes it seem more formal than it actually is: a more fitting name would be “crew” or squad. An affinity group doesn’t even have to be political: reading groups and art circles are other examples of everyday affinity groups.

What can an affinity group do?

Literally anything! They can be used for mass or smaller scale actions. Affinity groups can be used to blockade a road, do street theater, organize local food kitchens, confront the police, strategic property destruction, legal aid support, create community art spaces and events, change the message on a massive billboard, etc. There can even be affinity groups who take on certain tasks in an action or project. For instance, there could be a roving affinity group made up of street medics, or an affinity group who brings food and water to people on the streets. What makes affinity groups so effective for actions is that they can remain creative and independent and plan out their own action without an organization or person dictating to them what can and can’t be done. Thus, there are an endless amount of possibilities for what affinity groups can do.

How do you start an affinity group?

It all starts off like anything else in your life that you’re involved in: find each other and get to know each other well. An affinity group could be a relationship among people that lasts for years among a group of friends and organizers, or it could be a week-long relationship based around a single action. It could be about hitting old friends, new friends, family, neighbors, or people you’ve met at school or the gym. Either way, it is important to form an affinity group that is best suited to you and your interests. If you are forming an affinity group in your area, find interested friends or other organizers who have similar issue interests, and thus would want to go to collaborate on similar projects or actions. When you find each other, ask yourselves: what are our common interests or skills that everyone can bring to the table in the fight for liberation?

Friendships are inherently political even we do not always realize it. Friendship is not neutral, like the systems of patriarchy and individualism mislead us to believe. Affinity is held together by common truths and values. By putting on display your own truths, you will never know who around you in your routine life is ready to conspire by your side, wherever and however possible. Friendship does and will carry more of a material impact as struggles continue to unfold and escalate everywhere. Look around you, and start there—every aspect of our social lives is a potential field of accomplices. When you find each other, decide on a common path. The strength of the internal ties of affinity groups are the key driver of their activities—make the time to go for hikes, talk about your histories and personal struggles, get to know each other well and kick it tough.

With the COVID-19 pandemic and surveillance, finding like-minded people to form affinity groups may be difficult, and this requires us to flexibly and creatively solve this issue. It is important to converse with the people all around us in our regular lives: you do not know who may be down or have a creative idea for addressing community issues. Take advantage of meetings, hang-outs, socials, and events where like-minded political people may be at, but it won’t always be other “leftists” who may be people you want to form affinity groups with. That’s because there is an overemphasis on organizing other politically involved and leftist-minded people, when we should be including everyone into our projects and community spaces, regardless of their labels or political identifiers. Sometimes, the best projects come out of very unlikely encounters and friendships: affinity is sometimes found in the most unexpected places.

What is autonomous initiative?

As opposed to following the direction and desires of leaders or hierarchical organizations, autonomous initiative stems from the mutual meanings and intentions put forth by affinity groups. You and your crew decide on what projects or actions that you would like to begin or become a part of. We all know that the IE faces so many problems, and thus there are so many community solutions that autonomous affinity groups can address, such as: hunger, COVID-19 issues, homelessness, lack of transportation, poverty, etc. Honing in on what drives us, and meeting others half-way in what drives them allows us to mutually build common projects through consensus. From initiative, we find autonomy in the capacity to act for ourselves and with community, and no politician or cop can ever take that away from us.

What is a cluster?

Once you have your own affinity group and help facilitate the creation of other groupings, we can start to group the scale of autonomous organizing and initiatives through the creation of other autonomous structures, such as: networks/hubs, clusters, and spokes-councils/assemblies. A cluster is a grouping of affinity groups that come together to work on a certain task, initiative, or part of a larger action. Thus, a cluster might be responsible for blockading an area, organizing one day of a multi-day action, or putting together and performing a mass street theater performance. Clusters could be organized around where affinity groups are from (example: Inland Empire cluster), an issue or identity (examples: immigrant issues cluster or anti-warehouse cluster), or action interest (i.e. street theater or black bloc).

What is a spokes-council?

A spokes-council is the larger organizing structure used in the affinity group model to coordinate with others in the community. Each affinity group (or cluster) empowers a spoke (representative) to go to a spokes-council meeting to decide on important issues for the action. For instance, affinity groups need to decide on a legal/jail strategy, possible tactical issues, meeting places, and many other logistics. A spokes-council does not take away an individual affinity group’s autonomy within an action; affinity groups make their own decisions about what they want to do on the streets. These assemblies allow for people and groups to meet each other, build common interests, and share vital information useful for folks/groups to further form new autonomous initiatives (not necessarily to make big decisions/plan actions).

Find each other, build affinity, link up, coordinate, and multiply our power!

All power to the affinity groups!


For further reading, please check out How to Form an Affinity Group by Crimethinc.